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I saiah <keyword id="6356986" type="General" weightage="50" keywordseo="thomas" source="Orion">Thomas</keyword> was only 7 years old in 2008, but he was old enough to understand that his family was struggling. He noticed his parents were around less: They'd go straight to sleep once they got home from work and were out the door first thing in the morning. They were being forced to pick up extra shifts at work to make ends meet, and the lack of family time left an impression on Thomas. "That made an impact on me because my parents worked for a living, and we lived paycheck to paycheck," he said. "And I personally think that all of us in <keyword id="159493" type="General" weightage="100" keywordseo="gen-z" source="Orion">Gen Z</keyword>, when we experienced that with our parents, we were like, 'Fuck that. We don't want to continue going through that.'" As a young Black man working to organize an Amazon warehouse in deep-red Alabama, Thomas has his work cut out for him. But he's committed to making his workplace better and ensuring future generations don't have to miss out on time with their parents because of job pressures. He isn't alone in his activism. There's a growing wave of labor organizers and reformers in their 20s who have been working overtime across the country to change the workplace. Workers born between 1997 and 2012 have come of age at a time when college degrees <a href="https://www.americanprogress.org/article/the-closing-gender-education-and-ideological-divides-behind-gen-zs-union-movement/">no longer promise job stability</a> and <a href="https://www.usnews.com/news/health-news/articles/2022-07-08/inflation-has-americans-anxiety-levels-surging-poll">economic anxiety is high</a>. More than any other generation, these new entrants to the workforce prioritize fair treatment on the job and refuse to bend to exploitative or outdated corporate norms. And now, Gen Z is turning to organizing as a way to stand up to corporate bosses. Recent union drives at varying workplaces such as Starbucks, Amazon, Home Depot, Minor League Baseball, and even North Hollywood's Star Garden Topless Dive Bar have all involved Gen Z workers — and some have been led by Gen Z outright. <h2>'There comes a point where enough is enough'</h2>The internet is littered with <a href="https://www.nytimes.com/2021/10/28/business/gen-z-workplace-culture.html">articles fussing</a> over Gen Z's alleged distaste for workplace "norms," but young workers are not lazy, entitled, or keen on slacking off — they're simply choosing to reject some of the practices that previous generations were forced to accept. Surveys have found that Gen Zers are less likely than their elders to go along with <a href="https://news.yahoo.com/gen-z-work-five-days-office-173640467.html?guccounter=1&amp;guce_referrer=aHR0cHM6Ly93d3cuZ29vZ2xlLmNvbS8&amp;guce_referrer_sig=AQAAAJq6cUmGCOZIQr54DBDVOH4zRLyJf_i6obZDgNkGYuqoOV4o97NmKBmRXlbB67KLhJNXOSuUgcDpUpa8-VxlACRftXGiqsNLtZcNVYTTHynw2E5XixmKtaIEbqNLxbr6YjYQ7MFSSLBNKJhEZRtJe3lPdAYQ-KK5IBVVITGG9VyV">long hours</a>, <a href="https://www.vox.com/the-highlight/22977663/gen-z-antiwork-capitalism">overbearing bosses</a>, or a lack of <a href="https://www.bbc.com/worklife/article/20220613-gen-z-the-workers-who-want-it-all">boundaries</a> between the personal and the professional. Instead, this new wave of workers is actively pushing back on the behaviors that make the workplace a toxic environment. "When I started at Starbucks, I never understood why I had to deal with the treatment I was given," <keyword id="15428811" type="General" weightage="50" keywordseo="laila-dalton" source="Orion">Laila Dalton</keyword>, a 20-year-old college student who was <a href="https://perfectunion.us/starbucks-fires-union-leader-laila-dalton/">fired from Starbucks</a> earlier this year after organizing a union in her store, told me. "I think my generation is finally starting to realize that it doesn't matter if you're in the food industry, retail, construction, healthcare, etc., we all deserve to have healthier working conditions." When Dalton would complain about being disrespected on the job or the prevalence of poor working conditions, others would brush off her concerns, saying, "It's the food industry. What do you expect?" But she and her Gen Z peers are not ready to accept that mode of thinking. A recent National Society of High School Scholars <a href="https://www.nshss.org/media/35707/nshss018-report-final-v2.pdf">survey</a> of 11,000 high-school and college-aged people found that Gen Z's highest priorities when choosing an employer were the fair treatment of all employees (across genders and races), followed by quality of life, employer flexibility, and corporate social responsibility. They are also <a href="https://www.bloomberg.com/news/articles/2022-02-04/should-i-quit-my-job-for-more-money-great-resignation-has-workers-taking-risks?sref=jUG5PqcP">more likely</a> to leave jobs that don't <a href="https://www.tiktok.com/@theninthsemester/video/7058733659733462319?is_from_webapp=v1&amp;item_id=7058733659733462319&amp;web_id=7069537873968776709">meet their needs</a> and find better-paying employment elsewhere (though they're not alone in that propensity; <a href="https://www.gallup.com/workplace/231587/millennials-job-hopping-generation.aspx">Gallup</a> dubbed <a href="https://www.gallup.com/workplace/231587/millennials-job-hopping-generation.aspx">millennials</a> "the job-hopping generation"). Put simply, young workers want something better than their parents had and aren't afraid to seek it out. The content creator Jade Carson, 22, <a href="https://www.vox.com/the-highlight/22977663/gen-z-antiwork-capitalism">told Vox's Terry Nguyen</a>: "I want to be in a role where I can grow professionally and personally. I don't want to be stressed, depressed, or always waiting to clock out." Younger workers have spent their lives facing crises from climate disasters to the erosion of reproductive rights. <keyword id="15428810" type="General" weightage="50" keywordseo="rebecca-givan" source="Orion">Rebecca Givan</keyword>, an associate professor of labor studies and employment relations at Rutgers University, told me that as a result, they were far more likely to speak out against injustice. "They are used to holding power accountable, and they understand the deep flaws in the system," she said. "These workers are demonstrating that they will not accept a lack of voice in the workplace, or employers who pay lip service to progressive values and then fall woefully short." As Jun Shin, a 23-year-old labor activist in Honolulu, put it: "There comes a point where enough is enough." Quitting isn't for everyone, though, and many young workers have opted to create change from within instead, whether that's been by workplace activism or unionizing. "Young workers are open to finding ways to make their workplaces and jobs better, especially if they could not afford to quit and find another job," Shin told me. As Jacqui Germain recently wrote in <a href="https://www.teenvogue.com/story/gen-z-most-pro-union">Teen Vogue</a>, a <a href="https://www.americanprogress.org/article/the-closing-gender-education-and-ideological-divides-behind-gen-zs-union-movement/">new report</a> from the Center for American Progress labeled Gen Z "America's most pro-union generation," and its members have spent the past two years flexing their collective muscle on the picket lines and at the bargaining table. "A lot of us in Gen Z are saying we need an alternative, something that actually gives us a voice, something that's a mechanism to implement some kind of change," Thomas told me. "And so we're like, the union is the way to go because these companies are not offering us anything." <h2>'I'm not going to stop fighting anytime soon'</h2>Jonah Furman, the former national labor organizer for Sen. Bernie Sanders' 2020 presidential campaign and a staff writer and organizer for Labor Notes, points toward the upswing in union-election petitions as a sign that the young generation is turning to labor organizing as an outlet for its political energy. The number of new filings at the National Labor Relations Board, which oversees union elections, has jumped significantly. <a href="https://www.nlrb.gov/news-outreach/news-story/election-petitions-up-53-board-continues-to-reduce-case-processing-time-in">According to new data</a>, 2,510 union-representation petitions have been filed in 2022, which represents a hike of 53% from 2021 and is the highest number of petitions filed since 2016. In September, Gallup found a whopping <a href="https://news.gallup.com/poll/354455/approval-labor-unions-highest-point-1965.aspx">77% of adults ages 18 to 34</a> approved of unions (compared with 68% overall). And many members of the "pro-union" generation have been at the <a href="https://www.cnn.com/2021/11/21/economy/gen-z-young-workers-union">forefront</a> of the current organizing wave. <div type="image" title="starbucks amazon union rally" height="2401" width="3205" msid="95281922" hostid="261"></div>"Not only are young workers pro-union, but they're actively turning to the NLRB to assert that stance, which is pretty unheard of," Furman told me. While other generations challenged the status quo using other means of dissent or protest, Furman said Gen Z was "turning to union-authorization cards and unfair-labor-practice charges." And while identity markers like race, gender, and country of origin have long been used by employers to drive divisions in the workplace and prevent organizing, Gen Z isn't biting. According to the Center for American Progress report, the <a href="https://www.americanprogress.org/article/the-closing-gender-education-and-ideological-divides-behind-gen-zs-union-movement/">racial and ethnic diversity</a> that characterizes the generation has contributed to an uptick in support for unions, and even across a highly polarized political divide, Gen Z's gap in union support between Democrats and Republicans is the <a href="https://www.americanprogress.org/article/the-closing-gender-education-and-ideological-divides-behind-gen-zs-union-movement/">narrowest</a> of any generation. As Thomas told me, a union makes it clear that "this bigotry shit is just meant to divide us so that the employer class can continue making as much profit as they want to." He added: "I'm not going to stop fighting anytime soon." Every new generation forges its own relationship with the powers that be, and Gen Z has made it quite clear which side it's on. As a loudly pro-worker, pro-union cohort, it's saying no to exploitation and standing up against corporations that want to grind them down the same way they did with these young workers' parents and grandparents. <h2>Rethinking the worker-boss struggle</h2>Since Gen Z is perhaps America's most online generation, it's no surprise that young organizers have found success using platforms like Twitter and TikTok as organizing tools to educate labor-curious workers. "We're tired of the lack of political action from those who supposedly represent us," Elise Joshi, 20, told me. "We shouldn't be handing our life away for a CEO that couldn't care less about us." Joshi is the acting executive director of Gen-Z for Change, a youth-led nonprofit that works with a network of 500 online creators and activists to promote "civil discourse and political action" around issues like the climate crisis, reproductive rights, voting, and workers' rights. The organization has also been taking on corporations trying to screw over their workers. In one notable example, when the grocery giant Kroger was attempting to hire replacement workers ahead of a strike, the digital strategist <a href="https://www.vice.com/en/article/93bv45/tiktok-script-ralphs-scab-fake-applications" target="_blank">Sean Wiggs</a> wrote a script of code that was used to flood its careers website with bogus applications to keep the scabs out. "We're using creative tactics that we've learned from growing up in the digital age, from social media to online scab campaigns," Joshi said. TikTok, in particular, has proved <a href="https://www.vox.com/the-highlight/22977663/gen-z-antiwork-capitalism">a powerful tool</a> for organizations like Joshi's and individual content creators to <a href="https://www.wired.com/story/tiktok-army-union-busters-amazon/">spread pro-union messages</a> and <a href="https://www.mic.com/life/tiktokers-new-labor-movement">educate their peers</a> about their rights as workers. Unlike some older union members, who may prefer to focus solely on "bread and butter" economic issues, younger workers understand the need to take a more intersectional and inclusive approach to bring in as many workers as possible to their cause. Instead of focusing solely on better pay, Gen Z organizers are also fighting for racial justice, trans rights, and reproductive freedom, recognizing that economic well-being comes from more than a paycheck. "It's obvious to Gen Z how all of the issues are connected, and how in order to combat one issue, we must address them all," Joshi said. Givan, the Rutgers' employment-relations professor, sees this surge in youth-led organizing as a significant moment for labor, and one that may have a lasting influence on the workforce as Gen Zers continue in their careers. "Many of them may go on to organize in their next jobs as well," she said. The current US labor movement is stronger, and more digitally savvy, thanks to Gen Z's contributions. And because of this new generation of activists, the future of the American working class is shining a little brighter than it was only a few short years ago. Because if there is one quality that Gen Z has in spades, it is audacity — and no mass movement has ever succeeded without it. As Shin summed up: "Young workers have decided to make a very simple demand, which the Irish socialist and trade unionist James Connolly put best: 'For our demands most moderate are, we only want the earth.'" <a href="https://www.businessinsider.com/author/kim-kelly">Kim Kelly</a> is an independent journalist, organizer, and author of the book <a href="https://www.simonandschuster.com/books/Fight-Like-Hell/Kim-Kelly/9781982171056" target="_blank">FIGHT LIKE HELL: The Untold History of American Labor</a>.

Gen Z's not lazy — they're just refusing to put up with the toxic work culture that boomers created

<ul class="summary-list"><li><a href="https://www.businessinsider.com/amazon-union-vote-fails-bessemer-alabama-warehouse-workers-2021-4?r=ts-sub">Amazon has the votes to defeat a historic union vote</a> by workers in Bessemer, Alabama.</li><li>But experts say companies' battles with workers, regulators, and politicians are far from over.</li><li>They told Insider that <keyword id="18635" type="CITY" weightage="60" keywordseo="Amazon">Amazon</keyword>'s anti-union push proved companies have too much power over workers.</li></ul>After one of the most high-profile union - and anti-union - campaigns in recent history, Amazon employees in Bessemer, Alabama, <a href="https://www.businessinsider.com/amazon-union-vote-fails-bessemer-alabama-warehouse-workers-2021-?r=ts-sub">voted overwhelmingly against unionizing</a>, with the National <keyword id="6451308" type="UNKNOWN" weightage="60" keywordseo="labor">Labor</keyword> Relations Board confirming Friday that 71% of eligible ballots were cast in opposition.But eight labor experts told Insider that focusing on the vote tally misses the bigger takeaway from this saga: that American workers are demanding better workplaces and a voice on the job, and America's current labor laws simply aren't designed to help them accomplish that goal.Still, they said, Bessemer put a spotlight on how stacked the deck is against workers, and that the broad, diverse public support for the union drive showed the US labor movement is gaining more steam than it has in decades.Amazon, which had aggressively opposed the union effort, undoubtedly won a significant battle this week (pending likely legal challenges from the <keyword id="6354851" type="UNKNOWN" weightage="60" keywordseo="retail">Retail</keyword>, Wholesale and Department Store Union). But it may have put a target on its back that could prove costly in what's likely to be an ongoing war over how companies treat their workers, the experts said.<h2>The fight was never going to be fair</h2><a href="https://www.aboutamazon.com/news/workplace/the-election-in-bessemer">Amazon responded</a> to the vote Friday by saying its "employees made the choice to vote against joining a union" and that it was glad their "collective voices were finally heard."But experts said that misrepresents what has happened since November, when Bessemer employees officially asked the NLRB to hold a union election."The result reflects the imbalance in current US labor law, rather than any genuine expression of whether workers would like to have more of a voice in their workplace," Rebecca Givan, an associate labor and employment professor at Rutgers University, told Insider."This demonstrates just how hard it is for workers to gain a voice on the job when the employer has unlimited resources, full access to workers all day long, and very few legal constraints on what it can do or say," she said.Over the past several decades, American executives and politicians have chipped away at labor laws and workers' right to organize, experts said. At the same time, companies have <a href="https://www.bloomberg.com/graphics/2020-the-fleecing-of-the-american-worker/">kept American workers' pay and benefits down</a>, and <a href="https://www.businessinsider.com/union-definition-why-companies-amazon-oppose-labor-organizing-workers-rights-2021-?r=ts-sub">shipped jobs overseas</a> where labor is cheaper - even as <a href="https://www.epi.org/productivity-pay-gap/">workers' productivity</a>, as well as <a href="https://fred.stlouisfed.org/series/CP">corporate profits</a> and <a href="https://www.epi.org/publication/ceo-compensation-2018/">executive pay</a>, have soared.In European counties, like France, where labor laws more heavily favor workers, some Amazon employees have been able to successfully unionize. That has paid dividends: in July, <a href="https://www.businessinsider.com/amazon-warehouse-workers-organize-coronavirus-changes-permanent-2020-9?r=ts-sub">Amazon gave its French employees a 1.6% permanent raise</a> following union negotiations.In Bessemer, workers had a much tougher road to travel."Unions lose in 90% of the cases when management opposes the organizing effort," which Amazon's management did, Tom Kochan, a professor of management at MIT, told Insider.That's depite a surge in pro-union sentiment in the US in recent years. Kochan's research in 2017 found that around <a href="https://iwer.mit.edu/2018/08/30/who-wants-to-join-a-union-a-growing-number-of-americans/">48% of non-union workers</a> would join one if they had the opportunity, while a Gallup poll from August found that <a href="https://news.gallup.com/poll/12751/labor-unions.aspx">65% of Americans approve of unions</a> - the highest percentage in nearly 20 years.But under US labor law, companies have lots of tools at their disposal to try to prevent employees from unionizing, from forcing them to listen to anti-union messaging in "<a href="https://www.washingtonpost.com/technology/2021/02/02/amazon-union-warehouse-workers/">captive-audience</a>" meetings, to having a significant say over <a href="https://www.epi.org/publication/unprecedented-the-trump-nlrbs-attack-on-workers-rights/">which employees are eligible to unionize</a> in the first place. Even when companies violate those laws, the NLRB, which oversees union elections, lacks the power to issue fines, which experts said gives companies little incentive to play fair."The most important story is not the fact that the union didn't win. Rather, it's that they got as close to winning as they did," Erin Hatton, an associate professor of sociology at the University of Buffalo whose research focuses on work and labor movements, told Insider."Through legal coercion and illegal tactics, employers spend a great deal of money to keep unions out and it usually works. So this outcome isn't all that surprising. And yet the workers were incredibly successful in so many ways," she said.<h2>Anti-union tactics in the spotlight</h2>One of those successes, experts said, was bringing attention to Amazon's industry-standard, but still aggressively anti-union tactics."Amazon's tactics during the campaign and voting process were successful for them but now are being questioned legally and in the public view," Lynne Vincent, an assistant professor of management at Syracuse University, told Insider. Even before employees started talking about forming a union, <a href="https://www.businessinsider.com/amazon-pinkerton-spies-worker-labor-unions-2020-11">Amazon had hired private detectives known for union busting</a>, <a href="https://www.businessinsider.com/amazon-spying-workers-private-facebook-groups-strike-protest-labor-report-2020-?r=ts-sub">spied on workers' private Facebook groups</a>, and <a href="https://www.businessinsider.com/whole-foods-tracks-unionization-risk-with-heat-map-2020-1">tracked unionization risk with a heat map tool</a> in an effort to thwart organizing efforts before they gained momentum.Amazon also <a href="https://www.businessinsider.com/nyt-labor-board-finds-amazon-illegally-fired-activist-employees-2021-4">illegally fired multiple employees</a> last year who organized demonstrations to shed light on what they said were <a href="https://www.businessinsider.com/nlrb-amazon-retaliated-against-gerald-bryson-for-protests-2020-12">unsafe and grueling working conditions</a>, the NLRB found. Amazon previously said it disagreed with the board's findings in one case, while the other case is still pending before an NLRB administrative law judge.Once employees took their union drive public, Amazon enlisted expensive "<a href="https://theintercept.com/2021/02/10/amazon-alabama-union-busting-koch/">union avoidance</a>" consultants to help kick its union-busting tactics into overdrive. <a href="https://www.businessinsider.com/amazon-union-alabama-workers-describe-anti-union-tactics-bessemer-2021-3?r=ts-sub">Amazon pushed its anti-union message</a> through websites, t-shirts, frequent texts to employees, and midnight "education" meetings, which labor experts told Insider were fairly typically in union campaigns like this.Amazon's executives and PR team also waged an <a href="https://www.businessinsider.com/amazon-apologizes-for-tweet-acknowledged-drivers-do-pee-in-bottles-2021-4">atypical attack on members of Congress</a> who voiced support for the unions (Amazon later apologized for some of its tweets), and deployed an <a href="https://www.businessinsider.com/amazon-fighting-unions-with-employees-on-twitter-2021-3?r=ts-sub">army of warehouse employees</a> to respond to criticism of the company on social media.But the company also sought to shape the voting process itself.The NLRB has allowed mail-in voting in union elections since March 2020 due to the pandemic, but Amazon (twice, unsuccessfully) tried to get the NLRB to hold an in-person election. When that failed, it reportedly <a href="https://www.washingtonpost.com/technology/2021/04/08/amazon-bessemer-mailbox-union/">pressed the United States Postal Service</a> to install a mailbox outside the Bessemer warehouse.An Amazon spokesperson previously told Insider that the USPS installed the mailbox "for the convenience of our employees."But the Retail, Wholesale and Department Store Union - under which Amazon's Bessemer employees would have unionized if the vote had passed - accused Amazon of using the mailbox to intimidate workers and plans to <a href="https://twitter.com/RWDSU/status/1380537568882741249">file unfair labor practices charges with the NLRB</a> that, if serious enough, could cause the NLRB to throw out the election result.John Logan, a labor and employment professor at San Francisco State University who specializes in companies' union avoidance strategies, told Insider that the mailbox's placement likely gave employees an impression that "Amazon was playing some kind of direct role in monitoring and even perhaps in counting the votes, which clearly creates an atmosphere of pressure and potentially unlawful intimidation."Vincent said that companies who use a similar anti-union playbook to Amazon "may see validation in the effectiveness of the tactics," but that the Bessemer campaign may also cause politicians to reexamine and ultimately outlaw some of those tactics.<h2>What's next for American workers?</h2>Kochan said the Bessemer union drive was "another clear indication that [US] labor law is broken, perhaps in its current form, beyond repair."But many of the experts who spoke to Insider said the massive amount of attention and public support it generated suggest there may finally be an appetite to begin those repairs.Under the Trump administration, the NLRB "systematically rolled back workers' rights," according to an analysis by the left-leaning <a href="https://www.epi.org/publication/unprecedented-the-trump-nlrbs-attack-on-workers-rights/">Economic Policy Institute</a>. President Joe Biden has already signaled he intends to be much more pro-worker than his predecessor, releasing a <a href="https://www.businessinsider.com/joe-biden-supports-unions-sends-message-to-us-employers-2021-3">video in support of unionization efforts</a> and against corporate "anti-union propaganda" - as Amazon employees were voting."Given the pro union sentiment in many areas, as well as the clear backing of the current administration, it would still not be surprising to see successful efforts to unionize businesses in other areas, and eventually, even at Amazon itself," Joseph Seiner, a labor and employment law professor at the University of South Carolina, told Insider.Lawmakers on both sides of the aisle, from <a href="https://www.businessinsider.com/rubio-brings-bipartisan-support-to-amazon-union-push-2021-?r=ts-sub">Republican Sen. Marco Rubio</a> to <a href="https://www.businessinsider.com/aoc-shares-internal-amazon-memo-workers-using-bags-bathrooms-2021-?r=ts-sub">Democratic Rep. Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez</a>, voiced support for the Amazon employees' push to unionize. The House also passed the Protecting the Right to Organize (PRO) Act, which would make it easier for workers to organize, harder for employers to <a href="https://www.businessinsider.com/pro-act-freelancer-independent-contractor-work-labor-laywers-weigh-in-2021-?r=ts-sub">misclassify workers</a>, and <a href="https://themarkup.org/ask-the-markup/2021/03/18/the-tech-industry-is-abuzz-about-the-pro-act-what-is-it">ban certain union-busting tactics</a> - though the bill faces steep odds in the Senate.Veena Dubal, a law professor at UC Hastings who researches how technology impacts workers' lives, said that the Bessemer vote may push regulators to look more closely at how giant tech firms like Amazon exert power over workers."A lot of regulatory focus has hinged on anti-trust regulation-the need to break up Amazon because of its significant market power-but the truth is, Amazon also exerts monopsony power in labor markets. In areas where Amazon warehouses exist, wages go down, not up," Dubal said.The COVID-19 pandemic and racial justice protests following George Floyd's death last May have also forced Americans to reckon with how race plays a role in the workplace. That became a focus in Bessemer, where the RWDSU estimated that <a href="https://www.nytimes.com/2021/04/09/technology/amazon-defeats-union.html">85% of Amazon's employees are Black</a>, according to The New York Times."The core issue in the campaign was not about specific concessions but worker power. And in this case, it can't be distinguished from the struggle for racial equity," Premilla Nadasen, an associate professor of history at Barnard College who researches alternative labor movements, told Insider. "Black people are being disenfranchised electorally and subject to systemic violence. So, the struggle for economic control over matters more.""Official union membership figures aside," she said, "more and more working-class Americans are recognizing the need to have a collective voice."

Amazon's victory against a union drive in Alabama proved workers want better workplaces, but America's labor laws are too broken to help them get that, experts say

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Gen Z's not lazy — they're just refusing to put up with the toxic work culture that boomers created

Kim Kelly

Amazon's victory against a union drive in Alabama proved workers want better workplaces, but America's labor laws are too broken to help them get that, experts say

Tyler Sonnemaker

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