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<keyword id="6354925" type="COMPANY" weightage="100" keywordseo="Kolkata">Kolkata</keyword>’s <keyword id="9408" type="UNKNOWN" weightage="20" keywordseo="Park-Street">Park Street</keyword> has a legacy. It has a lot of firsts to its credit. Long back author Jaydeep Mazumder had written, India’s first department store- Hall &amp; <keyword id="16745" type="PERSON" weightage="20" keywordseo="Anderson">Anderson</keyword>, music café, first ice cream parlour- Magnolia, first soda fountain, the first restaurants offering live entertainment – all had one address in India, Park Street. 
 Who can forget the year-end carnival that has a reputation all over the globe? It’s not just a street. Officially it may have been christened <keyword id="579289" type="CITY" weightage="20" keywordseo="Mother-Teresa-Sarani">Mother Teresa Sarani</keyword>, but it’s a happening place for the elitists of the country. It has seen the vintage 70s and 80s. Who would have known the singer performing live at <keyword id="424155" type="PERSON" weightage="20" keywordseo="Trincas">Trincas</keyword> then would end up being the famous <keyword id="7376" type="PERSON" weightage="20" keywordseo="Usha-Uthup">Usha Uthup</keyword> now? Of Cabarets, jazz clubs and pubs, Park Street’s prominence has invited famed Bengali ‘bhodroloks’ (gentlemen). That sometimes ranged from Soumitra Chatterjee, Barun Chanda, <keyword id="14969" type="PERSON" weightage="20" keywordseo="Satyajit-Ray">Satyajit Ray</keyword>, Anjan Dutta to writer Mani Shankar Mukherjee, <keyword id="23798" type="PERSON" weightage="20" keywordseo="amitav-ghosh">Amitav Ghosh</keyword> and musician <keyword id="932811" type="UNKNOWN" weightage="20" keywordseo="Nandan-Bagchi">Nandan Bagchi</keyword>. 
 And then this happened. Independent India’s first nightclub, Mocambo at Park Street doesn’t let a marketing professional enter with her driver, where she thought would be the best place to dine on her final evening in the city. She wasn’t just brazenly denied entry with the driver, but a reason as silly as the driver not wearing the proper outfit (read extravagant clothes) and was seen eating jhal muri, was given to justify its actions. At a time when the Chief Minister of the state has decided to call ‘telebhaja’ (fried snacks) an industry in the State and seeking foreign investments to expand the same, denying someone entry to the posh restaurant on this pretext is abominable for a place whose Chicken Sicillienes was quite a favourite with <keyword id="6360386" type="PERSON" weightage="20" keywordseo="Jawaharlal-Nehru">Jawaharlal Nehru</keyword>. 
 
Mind you, the rage is taking place on social media, a place more powerful than all presidents of the world put together. While the management of the place said they have the right to admission reserved, people rightly pointed out that cannot be based on someone’s appearance. We got in touch with <keyword id="2481483" type="UNKNOWN" weightage="20" keywordseo="Vikrant-Batra">Vikrant Batra</keyword>, owner of <keyword id="3389204" type="UNKNOWN" weightage="20" keywordseo="Cafe-Delhi-Heights">Cafe Delhi Heights</keyword>, a leading chain of restaurants in the capital to understand the right properly. "’Right to admission reserved’ is a very critical term not only for the hospitality industry but also for any public place in general. It is very important to filter your crowd on the basis of the kind of experience you want to give to your customers. It relates to both safety as well as the concept behind your restaurant. Having said that it should not be exercised to discriminate people on the basis of their caste, colour, creed or their economic strata,” <keyword id="233052" type="PERSON" weightage="20" keywordseo="Batra">Batra</keyword> told <keyword id="824043" type="COMPANY" weightage="20" keywordseo="Business-Insider">Business Insider</keyword>. 
 
Same view was expressed by the spokesperson of Radisson Blue MBD,Noida, who said, “Speaking from a purely legal viewpoint any hotel has a right to restrict admission to anyone as long as this is not a discriminatory action i.e. due to race, caste , religion.” 
 
Definitely, for a place like Mocambo that boasts of a dance floor reinforced with Belgian glass, and having flown down an Italian chef to design its menu with a German architect designing the interior, we could have expected some Indian hospitality to add to the feel. 
 And even if the admission stays reserved, “One cannot rule out the thumb rule of our industry - Customer is the king. All we need to do is make them feel like one,” says <keyword id="3647825" type="UNKNOWN" weightage="20" keywordseo="sudhir-ahuja">Sudhir Ahuja</keyword> of <keyword id="3647830" type="UNKNOWN" weightage="20" keywordseo="bakstage-kolkata">Bakstage Kolkata</keyword>, a well-known pub in Sector V, <keyword id="6360091" type="CITY" weightage="20" keywordseo="Salt-lake">Salt Lake</keyword>.

Kolkata Mocambo consequence: Do restaurants have the right to reject
guests on silly pretexts?

“A good teacher is like a candle, it consumes itself to light the way for other.” The quote is apt for <keyword id="1368517" type="General" weightage="80" keywordseo="Dr-Sarvepalli-Radhakrishnan" source="Orion">Dr Sarvepalli Radhakrishnan</keyword>, the best teacher, philosopher and mentor India had. We have been celebrating his birthday, September 5, as Teachers Day across the nation since 1962. The humble suggestion came from Dr Radhakrishnan himself at a time when he was the president of the country. He asked his students and friends, who were seeking permission to celebrate his birthday, “Instead of celebrating my birthday, it would be my proud privilege if 5 September is observed as <keyword id="2504540" type="General" weightage="60" keywordseo="Teachers-Day-" source="Orion">Teachers' Day.</keyword>" Dr Radhakrishnan’s journey from a small village at the border of Tamil Nadu and Andhra Pradesh, to the President of India, is quiet an interesting one. Let’s take a look. <cmsannotation type="cmsannotation" annotationid="His Early Days As The Educator" comment="His Early Days As The Educator" text="His Early Days As The Educator">His Early Days As The Educator</cmsannotation> After pursing MA degree in Philosophy in 1908, the charismatic leader was appointed as a faculty member by the Department of Philosophy at Madras Presidency College. Radhakrishna’s only aim was to impart students with the best education. He kept moving from one institution to another, moulding students into better human beings. He was such a <keyword id="217461" type="POSITION" weightage="80" keywordseo="great-teacher" source="Orion">great teacher</keyword> that his students loved and respected him immensely. One incident that testifies the fact: His students arranged for a flower-decked carriage and pulled it themselves to drop their best teacher till the railway station, when he had decided to leave Mysore University, which he had joined in 1918, to join as a professor in Calcutta. <cmsannotation type="cmsannotation" annotationid="The Writer &amp; Social Activist" comment="The Writer &amp; Social Activist" text="The Writer &amp; Social Activist">The Writer &amp; Social Activist</cmsannotation> His plethora of knowledge was not just confined to the four walls of these institutions, rather it reflected in many newspaper and journal of repute, wherein he used to contribute by writing columns. Radhakrishnan is also the author of renowned books: ‘The Philosophy of Rabindranath Tagore’ and ‘The Reign of Religion in Contemporary Philosophy.’ Not to forget, the great philosopher was the one to represent <keyword id="238862" type="ORGANIZATION" weightage="60" keywordseo="University-of-Calcutta" source="Orion">University of Calcutta</keyword> at Congress of Universities of the British Empire in June 1926 and also at International Congress of Philosophy at <keyword id="97117" type="ORGANIZATION" weightage="60" keywordseo="Harvard-University" source="Orion">Harvard University</keyword> in September 1926. <cmsannotation type="cmsannotation" annotationid="Dr Radhakrishnan Tryst with Indian Politics" comment="Dr Radhakrishnan Tryst with Indian Politics" text="Dr Radhakrishnan Tryst with Indian Politics">Dr Radhakrishnan Tryst with Indian Politics</cmsannotation> The years when India was struggling to free itself from the shackles of Britishers, Radhakrishnan played an active role not only in the Indian politics but in international affairs, too. Many have regarded him as the bridge-builder between India and the West. In 1949, the then prime minister Jawaharlal Nehru, seeing the persona of Radhakrishnan, appointed him as the Indian Ambassador to Moscow. This post remained with him until 1952 and provided him an opportunity to showcase his own philosophical-political ideals, which helped him enter the Rajya Sabha. The Upper House of the Indian Parliament paved the way to success for Radhakrishnan and since then he didn’t look back. He was elected as the first vice-president of India in year 1952 and in year 1962, he became the second president of India. <cmsannotation type="cmsannotation" annotationid="From The Heart" comment="From The Heart" text="From The Heart">From The Heart</cmsannotation> Dr Radhakrishnan will always remain as an inspiration for not only the students but also the educators. He had a firm believe that a good teacher can guide his students to highest success in life and that is why he said, "Teachers should be the best minds in the country". Seeing the current situation visible in most of the schools across the country, the only question that arises is that will there ever be a teacher like Dr Radhakrishnan, who not only gained respect from his students but also selflessly helped them become better citizens of India.

Dr Radhakrishnan: The Best Teacher, Philosopher And Mentor

One salient point of Prime Minister <keyword id="6354477" type="PERSON" weightage="80" keywordseo="Narendra-Modi">Narendra Modi</keyword>’s election manifesto was the war that his party (Bharatiya Janata Party) waged on black money. During the tenure of the UPA government, scams rolled out one after another, exposing way too many influential personalities who had made a quick buck. But the saga of Indian politicians stacking their booty in the <keyword id="43603" type="CITY" weightage="100" keywordseo="Swiss-Bank">Swiss Bank</keyword> (among other financial institutions) isn’t limited to the past decade alone. 
 
So, it’s little wonder that the financial analysts are placing the bet on the final figure of the black money. An estimated $2 trillion is sitting snug in the banks abroad, but mostly in Swiss Bank. And the holders of this money, obviously billionaires, are steadily climbing the global charts of ‘influential personalities’ day after day. 
 
It was in 2011 that a WikiLeaks announcement released a list of Indian black money hoarders. In the same year, Anil Harish, one of India’s best minds on tax matters, spoke at length on the impact of hacking of nearly 700 accounts, held by powerful Indians at HSBC Geneva. The list released by WikiLeaks created uproar and it has been found that both resident and non-resident Indians are equally guilty. Charges included that of tax evasion while the hoarders chose to put away their wealth in the banks offshore. 
 
Without wasting much time after he assumed office, Prime Minister Narendra Modi set up a Special Investigation Team, which has been approved by the Supreme Court of India. This has surely sent jitters down the spine of otherwise complacent businessmen and politicians who made hay while the sun shone, through illegal methods. 
 
A poverty-stricken India has been struggling to change its image from a country that was ‘developing’ for a long time to an economic ‘super power.’ According to World Bank reports, poverty in India is waiting to reach another level, with an estimated 11.8% of total population living below the line of poverty and earning less than $1.25 per day in 2014. 
 
The only breather is the fact that poverty has consistently reduced over the past few years. However, if and when the black money heads back to the country where it belongs, it will still be more than India’s GDP. 
 
The contradiction between black money and existing poverty levels notwithstanding, Indian hoarders will probably take solace in knowing that the phenomenon is not limited to their country alone. In fact, some of the biggest black money holders are in China and Russia. When a list of such violations was compiled taking each country into account, India stood third, with China leading the list. However, that would not bring any respite to the nation. 
 
Although the US and the UK have cracked down on their tax violators, India has never shown the determination to track down the black money. The Indian middle class turned angrier and joined hands with anti-corruption activist Anna Hazare when he waged a battle against rising corruption. 
 
India, Asia’s third largest economy, loses an estimated $60 trillion annually in taxes, as far as formal sectors and financial institutions are concerned. Independent studies and International Monetary Fund (IMF) data on trade flow also show that an annual amount of nearly $6 trillion cannot be accounted for. That this amount will go into individual accounts or fake trusts, is a known fact. 
 
Arun Kumar, author of The Black Economy In India, arrived at a total figure of $2 trillion when he was researching data for his book. A professor at the reputed Jawaharlal Nehru University, Kumar has been collating reports on black money from various sources. 
 
According to him, the $2 trillion stashed abroad is unaccounted for and has been illegally accumulated by evading taxes that rightfully belong to the country and its people. Moreover, the amount of the money hoarded calls for the dues (interest, penalty, etc., levied for tax evasion) and that will very well cross $600 billion. 
 
This has set the country back among the BRICs (Brazil, Russia, India and China) owing to the simple fact that although resourceful, India has not been able to post a vibrant tax collection report as against its GDP. This can seriously hamper the living conditions of the poor in the country, deprive businesses of necessary financial support and scale down India’s image in the long run. 
 
The government held an olive branch in the past to 700 HSBC Germany account holders who kept an undisclosed amount in their accounts aboard. Nearly 100 members made amends for it while the rest resisted the process. Apart from HSBC and Swiss Bank, Liechtenstein and British Virgin Islands are also offering safe havens for black money hoarders from various countries, including India and China. 
 
The gravity of the situation could well be understood from the fact that the largest number of foreign depositors in Swiss Bank is reportedly Indians. If this can change, the country is bound to witness prosperous days ahead.

Will India’s ‘Black Money’ Come
Home This Time?

The underbelly of any country can be a subject of debate, but what holds a nation aloft is its constitution. And the Indian Constitution, right from its birth, has stood for social equality across the board. At least, that’s what it aspires to do, as we have learnt over the years. Considered as the Supreme Law of land, the Indian Constitution needs to be revisited and reinvented as the times change and generations need a deeper understanding of their historical and democratic perspectives. 
 
Right now, India is at the crossroads. The old country that only rested on its past glory and celebrated its Independence from the British, a process that tore apart its very soul, has now emerged as one of the top powers in the world. But then, secularism is being questioned now and credentials are put under the scanner by its own people. So the time is quite ripe for revisiting the Indian Constitution. 
 As we all know, Dr <keyword id="857441" type="UNKNOWN" weightage="60" keywordseo="Bhimrao-Ramji-Ambedkar">Bhimrao Ramji Ambedkar</keyword> is hailed as the <keyword id="266114" type="POSITION" weightage="40" keywordseo="prime-architect">prime architect</keyword> of the Indian Constitution and he headed the <keyword id="2027910" type="ORGANIZATION" weightage="40" keywordseo="Constitution-Drafting-Committee">Constitution Drafting Committee</keyword>. This 448-page document is divided into 25 parts, starting with a preamble. This sacrosanct document is the lifeline of India that holds together the country’s diverse cultures and different faiths. 
 
When the time is right to take another look at a document which is as old as Independence itself, it needs a newer perspective and format to reach the people coming from different age-groups. The old and the wise may have an easy understanding of the huge and complex document, but the young people need to be clued in on what governs their life on this land. 
 <keyword id="271" type="POSITION" weightage="40" keywordseo="actor">Actor</keyword> <keyword id="6355923" type="PERSON" weightage="40" keywordseo="Aamir-Khan">Aamir Khan</keyword> could be touching hearts with his soul-stirring show Satyamev Jayate, which is laying bare today’s realities – both positive and negative – on a private channel. 
 But what’s actually significant now is the new show on <keyword id="2170947" type="UNKNOWN" weightage="40" keywordseo="Rajya-Sabha-Television">Rajya Sabha Television</keyword> called Samvidhaan, made by none other than the renowned director <keyword id="29916" type="PERSON" weightage="40" keywordseo="Shyam-Benegal">Shyam Benegal</keyword>. In the 80s Benegal had directed Discovery of India (Bharat Ek Khoj), based on a book penned by the <keyword id="202495" type="POSITION" weightage="40" keywordseo="first-prime-minister">first Prime Minister</keyword> of independent India, Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru. The show was a huge hit in those days when Doordarshan was the only TV channel in the country. But the reason behind its success was not the absence of choice for viewers but the impeccable treatment of characters and the intriguing story-telling through every single frame that fascinated the viewers, irrespective of their age-groups. 
 
Benegal, who has created a niche for himself with his supremely well-made movies in the 70s and 80s – mostly categorised as parallel cinema – is experimenting again with his 10-part mini series titled Samvidhaan – The Story of the Making of the Constitution of India. The show, telecast every Sunday at 10 am, a ‘prime’ time slot, targets a pan-India audience with its discourse on the Indian Constitution. 
 
Enough of analyses and interpretations have come up regarding the political situations that existed around the time when the Indian Constitution was drafted. The work of drafting a constitution for India started soon after the country gained its political independence from the ruling Great Britain. 
 
The show, which tells us the story of the Indian Constitution, lays as much emphasis on the incidents that occurred around the period when this all-important document was made. The first draft of Bharat Ka Samvidhan, as it is known in Hindi, was first submitted on November 4, 1947. The <keyword id="2170946" type="ORGANIZATION" weightage="40" keywordseo="Draft-Committee">Draft Committee</keyword> had spent considerable time, developing a constitution that was made to suit the specific needs of India – a country which had lived through a turbulent past and was looking forward to continue on its own after remaining under the British rule for two centuries. 
 
Amendments, discussions and debates took place for about two years since the first draft was presented, leading to nearly 2,000 amendments to the original document prepared by the Drafting Committee members, headed by Dr Ambedkar. 
 
The Assembly intermittently held open sessions for the public over these two years before adopting the Constitution, which was approved by its 308 members on January 24, 1950. Two days later, the Constitution, which was federal in nature, became the Supreme Law of the land, and all the States and Union Territories of India came under its jurisdiction. 
 
The exercise during the days of putting together this crucial document was not only political, but also secular and neutral in nature – keeping in mind the welfare of all communities with special focus on the underprivileged. It was a hugely emotional moment for the leaders involved in the process and they made sure that the Constitution was accepted in the Parliament. 
 
With Samvidhaan, the show on television, Shyam Benegal tells an engaging story of a country that wrote its own fate to ensure a better socio-economic and political future, instead of being tossed around and dominated by stronger forces. The show comes at a time when India seems to be on the verge of leadership change and every poll survey shows that the secular and minority-friendly atmosphere of the country is in jeopardy. 
 
Maybe, just maybe, the country’s youth will spare a thought for what dominates their life and will come to respect it more than they respect technology. 
 
Image: ThinkStock

Samvidhaan:
Will Contemporary India Respond To Its Constitutional History?

I am sure <keyword id="510747" type="UNKNOWN" weightage="80" keywordseo="Seth-Rogen">Seth Rogen</keyword> would be forgiving toward my borrowing of this piece from his movie 'Pineapple Express', “If <keyword id="40905" type="PERSON" weightage="80" keywordseo="Marijuana">marijuana</keyword> is not made legal within the next five years I have no faith in humanity, period. Everyone likes smoking weed. They have, for thousands of years. They're not going to stop anytime soon. It makes everything better. Makes food taste better. Makes music better. It makes sex feel better, for God's sakes. It makes shitty movies better, you know?” 
 
While Mr Rogen might have said that in 2008, man's lineage to marijuana is over 5000 years old. 
 
The earth became proud parents when the dear 20th century was born. Racism fell from the high horses of grace. Sexism made an unsexy exit. Science and Technology became captains of the ship called 'future'. Bombs danced on the laps of political agendas, as the weaker nations were dressed to be depressed under the address of the sanction that geographical borderline disorders were indeed good for them. 
 
While Yellow Journalism, in the first half of the century, took the cake for manipulating people with its white lies about the concepts of drugs, people, and war, which eventually turned out to be black, was orchestrated mainly to contain the Hispanic migration crisis, chasten the quality of equality in the profound segments of race and gender, and increase the wealth and jurisdiction of the law-making and imposing establishments - it was indeed, a man called Harry J. Anslinger, the first and foremost commissioner to the newly constituted Federal Bureau of Narcotics (FBN) in 1930, who was responsible for the criminalisation and the fate that marijuana is to made to live with, today. 
 
Backed by the Roosevelt administration, Mr Anslinger, the prophet who officially put marijuana behind the veil, joined hands with William Randolph Hearst, founder and owner of America's largest newspaper chain and an icon to American journalism, and went on a serial detonation spree of 'marihuana' (the aboriginal Mexican-Spanish attestation) like an atomic bomb in the vast networks of Hearst's newspapers proclaiming the “evils” of the “herbal demon” without a rhyme or a reason essentially linking its fame and notoriety to scapegoat the racial, ethnic, and social minorities. 
 
“Marihuana influenced negroes to look at white people in the eye, step on white men’s shadows, and look at a white woman twice.” - A Hearst Newspaper in 1935. 
 
“Makes darkies think they’re as good as white men.” - Harry J Anslinger. 
 
“Negro entertainers with their jazz and swing music are declared an outgrowth of marihuana use which possesses white women to tap their feet.” - Harry J Anslinger 
 In March 1961, under the administration of John F. Kennedy, <keyword id="2885066" type="UNKNOWN" weightage="80" keywordseo="Harry-J-Asnlinger">Harry J. Asnlinger</keyword> led the successful formation of the Single Convention on Narcotic Drugs, an international treaty that codifies all existing treaties on drug control, including the cultivation of plants that were grown or caused to be part of raw material that came under the umbrella of narcotic drugs. Once signed, this convention also limits the manufacture, production, possession, use, trade, distribution, import and export of narcotic drugs, save for medical and scientific pursuits. 
 <keyword id="3658" type="COUNTRY" weightage="80" keywordseo="India">India</keyword>, under the tenure of Jawaharlal Nehru, the nation's first prime minister, to honour its obligations with the Convention on Psychotropic Substances and the United Nations Convention Against Illicit Traffic in Narcotic Drugs and Psychotropic Substances, signed the Single Convention on Narcotic Drugs at the United Nations Headquarters in New York on 30 March, 1961. And on 13 December, 1964 the treaty was ratified. However, international treaties or conventions were not going to clip the wings of India's holistic connection with marijuana. Just not yet. 
 When <keyword id="191987" type="PERSON" weightage="80" keywordseo="Ronald-Reagan">Ronald Reagan</keyword> became the 40th US president, his administration began twisting the arm of <keyword id="12596" type="PERSON" weightage="80" keywordseo="Rajiv-Gandhi">Rajiv Gandhi</keyword> to make marijuana illegal in India. Consequentially, in 1985, India established the Narcotics Drugs and Psychotropic Substances Act (NDPS). Before this act, India could and was able to practically dance in the open about its consumption or sale of marijuana. 
 54 years before we had successfully negotiated with and had finally managed to ask the British to leave us their alphabet and take their letters and go back to where they came from, they were pretty impressed with our deep-rooted weed economics. So in 1893, the British appointed a joint study called '<keyword id="2885065" type="UNKNOWN" weightage="80" keywordseo="Indian-Hemp-Drugs-Commission">Indian Hemp Drugs Commission</keyword>' concerning the growth, manufacture, consumption, and social-cultural impacts from the intake of marijuana in any form. 
 
One year later, the conclusion set on top of a 3,281 page report, along with the testimony from almost 1,200 people belonging to diverse cultures, ethnicities, professions, builds, and mindset was - “moderate use of hemp drugs was practically attended by no evil results at all. The intake produces no injuries on the mind and there is no moral injury whatsoever.” 
 
Now, this is how it works. Weed is not our family member. It is an outside guest. Let's call this guest Mary Jane for now. This guest can make or break our mood. Depending on how beautiful and powerful this guest is and how organised we are. 
 
The power or the camaraderie of the guest is determined by the active agent called THC (delta-9-tetrahydrocannabinol) that is present in the DNA of any self-respecting weed. The percentage of THC present in weed will ascertain the potency of the weed. The THC content in the weed available in India is between 3% and 35%, depending on the atmospheric conditions and locale of its genesis and growth. Synthetic or hybrid ones are set to contain up to 50% - 80% THC. 
 
Mary Jane can make us feel different emotions based on where she touches us in the brain. 
 
Our brains have neurotransmitters and receptors. The former sends messages. The latter receives them. Accordingly delegations are made to execute the desired movement or action. Now, if Mary Jane strikes us in the Amygdala, the receptor that regulates fear and anxiety, we are going to be scared or paranoid for something. If Mary Jane flirts with our Hypothalamus, receptors that regulate sexual behaviour and appetite, we will experience an increase in the appetite and feel aroused beyond our regular frame. And when Mary Jane caresses our spinal cord that is responsible for the transmission of information between body and brain, we will experience our pain sensitivities being altered – one of the reasons why marijuana is used as a pain suppressant or stress reliever. 
 
We primarily have nine distinguished cannabinoid receptors in the brain. Very rarely weed strikes more than three receptors at the same time. 
 
The 10th Receptor Strikes the masses. Rocks the social network. Critiques the critics. Impresses his suits with his own branding – <keyword id="6354477" type="PERSON" weightage="80" keywordseo="Narendra-Modi">Narendra Modi</keyword>, a powerful friend to the microphones and warden of cutting-edge speeches about hope and development. On June 1, 2015, when speaking to the United News of India, Mr Modi remarked that our religious freedom is a constitutional right and is “non-negotiable”. He further vouches, “We stand for every one of the 1.25 billion Indians regardless of caste or creed and we will work for the progress of every one of them.” 
 
Speaking of constitutional rights, Mr Modi, would it be possible to scooch in a ganja right? The right to smoke weed without inhibitions? Peter Tosh will be happy to be reincarnated just to come down and sing to you: 
Legalize it 
Don't criticize it 
Legalize it, yeah, yeah, 
And I will advertise it. 
 
P.S. Even <keyword id="35763" type="PERSON" weightage="80" keywordseo="Bob-Marley">Bob Marley</keyword> wouldn't mind giving you his rendition. All you have to do is just say the words Mr Modi. 
 
Marijuana is an adorable little teddy bear. It stands to make you sit with warmth and fuzz. It is not a bat out of hell cheetah like cocaine. Nor is it ugly and smutty like meth or heroin. 
 
Being from a right wing party, we are sure an empathy can be made about the tradition, association and fact that we as a nation is attached to weed like a a mother is to her child, through the umbilical cord. The cord may be cut. But the bond will remain. It's a sacred bond. Do you think you could help us secure that bond, Mr Modi? 
 
Expectations kill. So does smoking marijuana, right? That's what men with guns and tear gas make us believe every time we step forward with a petition on our tongue. So anyway, I think we will just pray for now that you help us secure the treaty to our freedom to bask in the glory of cloud nine. 
 
 
(Image courtesy:

What if Narendra Modi was pro marijuana! Ever imagined?

In 1906, in a lodging house for Indian students in Highgate, a pleasant area of north London, a young lawyer called Mohandas Karamchand Gandhi dropped in on a law student called Vinayak Damodar Savarkar, who happened to be frying prawns at the time. Savarkar offered Gandhi some of his meal; Gandhi, a vegetarian, refused. Savarkar allegedly retorted that only a fool would attempt to resist the British without being fortified by animal protein.
The meeting is said to have begun hostilities between the two young Indian nationalists; whether or not the story is apocryphal, there were real reasons for antipathy.
The two men had very different approaches to the struggle against Britain. Gandhi, who became leader of the Indian National Congress (INC), was a pacifist with an inclusive attitude towards Muslims and Christians. Savarkar, who would lead the Hindu Mahasabha, was a right-wing majoritarian who spawned the idea of hindutva, or Hindu-ness--the belief that the Hindu identity is inseparable from the Indian identity. Congress eclipsed the Mahasabha and, since history belongs to the victors, the story of India's independence movement became one of non-violence. But the strand of thought that Savarkar represented was more important than is generally recognised, and is enjoying a revival.
A member of the Mahasabha broke away to form the paramilitary Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS), or national volunteer organisation, in 1925, modelled, some say, on the British army. A social rather than explicitly political organisation, it presented itself as the world's largest non-governmental group, in which like-minded, khaki-uniformed men could gather for dawn calisthenics. It recruited boys at an impressionable age, as the Jesuits did, the better to inculcate them with discipline and with passion for the cause. One such was the eight-year-old Narendra Modi. The future prime minister attended training sessions with the RSS, was subsequently inducted as a cadet, and in 1985 was assigned by the RSS to its political wing, the Bharatiya Janata Party, which he rose to lead.
Mr Modi is India's strongest leader since Indira Gandhi, and its most controversial. The source of controversy is his failure in 2002, when chief minister of Gujarat, to avert a massacre of Muslims, which opponents attribute to a hostility to Muslims born of the ideology that Savarkar spawned. Mr Modi has never apologised for the massacre, though he said last year that he felt regret over them, as he would at seeing a puppy run over in the street. Nor has he made any attempt to distance himself from the RSS.
The RSS, meanwhile, is becoming more overtly political. Mohan Bhagwat, its current leader, is somewhat in the mould of Savarkar, paraphrasing his beliefs and promoting Hindutva. In August this year Mr Bhagwat directly echoed Savarkar by saying all who live in "Hindustan" are in fact Hindus, whatever Muslims, Christians or secular Hindus might say. More striking, the RSS leader has switched the organisation's methods. Now, far from eschewing party politics, the group has become an enthusiastic and effective actor within it. The RSS's millions of members and volunteers (no one knows just how many active ones there really are) played a big role in electing the BJP by a landslide in 2014. At least 19 ministers in government, including Mr Modi, have a background in the RSS. Its leaders are seconded to senior posts in the party too. So the ideas of the man who inspired the RSS matter more than ever before.
<h3>The naked jumper</h3>
The lawyer described by a British official in 1906 as "a small man with an intelligent face and a nervous manner" does not sound like the muscular hero that Indian nationalists crave, but Savarkar clearly had a certain dash. In 1910, while he was in London, he was charged with conspiring to wage war against the king and with providing weapons used to assassinate a Briton in the Indian civil service, sentenced to two life terms--50 years--in jail and sent back to India. While the steamship "Morea" was berthed in Marseille harbour, he slipped away from his guards, leapt, almost naked, into the sea and swam ashore. Unfortunately for the eulogists, he was promptly caught by French police and bundled back to the ship.
His daring did, however, win him fame, and also created legal history. France's government, annoyed that Britain had overseen an arrest on its territory, wanted Savarkar returned. Britain refused so the matter went to the Permanent Court of Arbitration at The Hague. It ruled his arrest was indeed "irregular", but decided Savarkar might as well stay in India. The case was one of the earliest heard by the tribunal.
Savarkar's next stop was the Andaman Islands--a group of islands in the Bay of Bengal. This palm-fringed tropical paradise served as a penal colony for the British. Cellular Jail in the capital, Port Blair, is now a memorial for freedom campaigners. In a park opposite stands a row of statues of independence heroes. One is of a slender man with a pinched face behind round spectacles. A pen protrudes from his jacket pocket, one hand rests on a part-furled umbrella and the other wags a finger at the sky. You might mistake him for a prissy bank manager, but a plaque identifies him as Vinayak Damodar Savarkar. The park is named after him.
Ranjit Savarkar, his great-nephew, who runs the Savarkar trust, says that he showed great fortitude in jail. A trained yogi, he overcame thoughts of suicide. Other inmates nicknamed him "Barrister Babu", for his London legal training. Already a published historian and poet, he used Cellular Jail to work on his writing--literally: he wrote on its walls. He spent a decade there before being moved to the mainland in 1921. He was subsequently freed, after pledging to keep out of politics--a promise which the ideology he was developing in jail suggests he did not intend to keep.
A fierce nationalist, he adored Guiseppe Mazzini, who fought for the unification of Italy, writing about him in the hope of inspiring resistance to the British in India. Savarkar believed that India is really composed of, and must only be run by, Hindus. In his 1924 book, "Hindutva", he drew on cultural, philosophical and religious practices of ancient Hinduism, a rich faith that allows immense variety in how it is followed. But he also distinguished the ideology of hindutva--an attempt to unite disparate Hindus in a political project--from the religion. He himself was an atheist, and disapproved of aspects of traditional Hindu belief, dismissing cow worship as superstitious--a stance that would upset many today. He was an early outspoken opponent of caste discrimination. In the 1920s and 1930s others among the emerging Indian political elite opposed "untouchability", the rejection as sub-human of those considered "below caste". But Savarkar went further, saying modern India should drop altogether the idea of dividing people by caste.
His attitude towards Muslims, who made up a quarter of the population before partition, and other non-Hindus was less liberal. He regarded them as alien and separate, in effect not as real Indians. He was fiercely opposed to the formation of Pakistan and what his great-nephew calls the "appeasement" of Muslims. He believed that they, along with the Europeans, had crushed Hindus for a millennium--a sentiment echoed by Mr Modi in an address to parliament after his election this year, when he spoke of ending "1,200 years of slave mentality" in India.
Aside from his view of Muslims, the big difference between Savarkar and the nationalists in the INC lay in their contrasting attitudes to violence. He also wrote one of the first Indian accounts of the uprising in 1857, centred in Delhi. Known as the "Mutiny" to the British, it is referred to by many Indians as the "first war of independence"--echoing the title of Savarkar's book, "The Indian War of Independence". It was a gruesome episode, in which hundreds of thousands were killed, but Savarkar was untroubled by the violence, and seemed to justify the murders of British women and children. His works are steeped in a desire for revenge against those who have humiliated Hindus, and his frustration with the passivity of his co-religionists: "I want all Hindus to get themselves re-animated and re-born into a martial race." In his early years, he circulated manuals on bomb making. He approved of--and probably assisted in--the assassination of colonial administrators. He was suspected, for example, of encouraging a student radical who shot dead Sir Curzon Wyllie, a government official, one summer night on a Kensington street in 1909.
<h3>Rewriting history</h3>

Today, some Indians adulate him. On the day your correspondent called in at Cellular Jail, a party of jovial men in their 80s and 90s, an official "Eminent Committee of Freedom Fighters", was also visiting. Among the last surviving veterans who battled the British in the Quit India movement in the 1940s, they raised gnarled fists to chant "Jai Hind", posed for pictures and praised Savarkar as strong. The local MP called veer (brave) Savarkar a "ferocious, dangerous man who frightened off the British". Rashida Iqbal, the jail's curator, assessed him as "one of the most important freedom fighters". Port Blair's airport, like the park, bears his name. Some 2,000km away, in his native Maharashtra, a street and a park in Mumbai also each carry his name. (In London a blue plaque identifies his former home in Highgate.)
Savarkar's enthusiasm for violence sits uncomfortably with conventional ideas of how India got its independence. India's first prime minister, Jawaharlal Nehru, and then the Congress party (successor to the INC) promoted a pacifist narrative of history, the idea that Gandhi and the likes of B.R. Ambedkar, a social reformer who inspired the Modern Buddhist Movement, triumphed through non-violent resistance. That meant downplaying the bloodshed of 1857, in which atrocities were perpetrated by both sides, and also the roles of Savarkar, Subhas Chandra Bose and Vallabhbhai Patel.
Bose, the Bengali leader of an Indian National Army against the British in the second world war and an ally of Hitler and imperial Japan, led some 40,000 soldiers against the British. (He didn't get far, though the Japanese briefly handed him control of the Andamans.) Patel, the "Iron Man of India", had the Bismarckian task of uniting the country. He oversaw the integration of 562 princely states into India, threatening and using military force. Operation Polo in 1948, a five-day conquest of Hyderabad, a wealthy and Muslim-run state in the south, was bloody indeed. Official estimates, only made public in 2013, suggest the fighting and subsequent Hindu-Muslim clashes there killed between 27,000 and 40,000 people. Some historians claim the real toll might have been five times higher.
The way the story of Indian independence is told is beginning to change. Mr Modi and the BJP are keen to celebrate muscular, nationalist figures. Patel is likely to have a much higher profile in future: in the national budget, in July 2014, the government set aside $32m to erect a statue of him in Gujarat, twice the size of the Statue of Liberty, by 2018. And while Mr Modi frequently invokes Gandhi's name and beliefs, he refers almost as often to Swami Vivekananda, a 19th-century nationalist who revived Hinduism and promoted it abroad. Mr Modi is said to be named after him (the swami was originally called Narendra Nath Datta) and frequently poses before his photograph. Vivekananda's ideas on invigorating Hinduism foreshadowed Savarkar's hindutva project.
Savarkar's profile is lower, but is also rising. Educational comics, hagiographies and patriotic films retell parts of his life story. In 2008 Mr Modi, then chief minister of Gujarat, inaugurated a website (savarkar.org) that promotes a man "largely unknown to the masses because of the vicious propaganda against him and misunderstanding around him that has been created over several decades", and in 2012 he launched a Gujarati-language biopic. A previous BJP-led government put Savarkar's portrait in parliament. On his birthday this year, May 28th, the prime minister paid homage to him there. Mr Modi tweeted about Savarkar's "tireless efforts towards the regeneration of our motherland". Ranjit Savarkar's group plans various events to mark the 50th anniversary of Savarkar's death in 1966. (Aged 83, he submitted to what he called atmaarpan--refusing food, water or medicine in order to die. It took 20 days.)
Yet Savarkar remains immensely divisive. He was a fiercely outspoken critic of Gandhi, still India's top national hero: he called Gandhi weak, a "sissy" and far too willing to collaborate with Britain. Gandhian talk of man's common humanity he regarded as utopian to the point of naivety. In articles from the 1920s to the 1940s Savarkar lambasted Gandhi as a "crazy lunatic" who "happens to babble...[about] compassion, forgiveness", yet "notwithstanding his sublime and broad heart, the Mahatma has a very narrow and immature head." Gandhi promoted ahimsa, a Buddhist rejection of violence which Savarkar called "mealy-mouthed". He said Gandhi was a hypocrite for supporting violence by the British against Germany in the first world war. Nor did he cheer Gandhi's prominent backing for the Ottoman Caliphate Movement, designed to win Indian Muslims to oppose British colonial rule.
Over the years, Savarkar was eclipsed by his rival. During the 1920s and 1930s, the INC benefited from its ability to claim plausibly that it spoke for Muslims as well as Hindus, which made it a more credible interlocutor with the colonial authorities. Perhaps more important, it had an impressive organisation and, in Gandhi and later in Nehru, accomplished political leaders.
By the mid 1940s Savarkar and his supporters in the Mahasabha (which he led until his death) had a new gripe against Gandhi. They were enraged at the prospect of Pakistan seceding from India. Gandhi, in their eyes, did nothing to stop that "vivisection". Worse, he seemed to favour Pakistan when it sent forces to violently seize Kashmir, evidence to Savarkar that warlike Muslims were again crushing passive Hindus. When Nehru applied economic sanctions on Pakistan (refusing to pass on its share of central-bank funds from before independence), Gandhi launched a fast in protest and forced him to back down. To Savarkar's followers in the Mahasabha, that constituted national betrayal.
On January 30th 1948 Gandhi was assassinated in Delhi. The killer, Nathuram Godse, was a member of the Mahasabha, edited its newspaper and was an associate of Savarkar's. Godse's explanation of his actions echoed Savarkar: he said he murdered Gandhi for his "false notions of Hindu-Muslim unity" and in fury over the secession of Pakistan. Savarkar was arrested and tried as a plotter in the murder. He denied all and was acquitted. That did not convince everybody. As the leader of the Mahasabha, who had praised the efficacy of violence and railed against Muslims, it was reasonable to suspect he had at least inspired Gandhi's killer. A.G. Noorani, author of a book on Savarkar and Godse, goes further. He draws a parallel to the Kensington murder of Wylie in 1909, saying the elder man had twice pressed others to pull the trigger. "I would definitely call him complicit in the assassination of Gandhi," he concludes. He points, too, to an official commission of inquiry into Gandhi's death, in the late 1960s, which drew on testimony unavailable at the original trial. It found the evidence was "destructive of any theory other than the conspiracy to murder by Savarkar and his group". Following Gandhi's murder the RSS was also banned, for a year. Yet the final reason why Savarkar should remain unacceptable in modern India goes beyond suspicion over Gandhi's murder. It lies in his attitude to his fellow, non-Hindu, Indians. In his own writing he relates joyfully how as a 12-year-old boy he led a gang of schoolmates to stone his village mosque and smash its windows and tiles, in the aftermath of Hindu-Muslim riots. Relating how "we vandalised the mosque to our heart's content", he adds that when confronted by Muslim boys, he and his pals wielded knives and sticks and chased them away.
Throughout his writing he sets out Muslims as savage, immoral, sensual and eager to destroy the Hindu way of life. In 1937 he wrote of there being "two antagonistic nations living side by side in India", an idea that relies on using religion as the defining characteristic of any Indian, one utterly against the secular constitution of India. And while he occasionally wrote admiringly of the political and religious fervour of Islam, or rather of Muslim political leaders, he did so to encourage his fellow Hindus to match or exceed it.
In India today the fear of communal clashes--between Hindus and Muslims--should not be overblown. But it is never far away. Especially before elections, parties exploit religious tensions. Those who promote hindutva and echo Savarkar whip up stories of "love jihad", alleging that Muslim men convert large numbers of Hindu women by seducing them. Earlier this month a BJP parliamentarian praised Godse as a "patriot" equal to Gandhi. Members of the increasingly influential RSS feel emboldened. Such majoritarian politics, when a larger religious group sets out to absorb or flatten a minority, is utterly destructive. One need only look at the failure of Pakistan as a reminder of that. Sarvarkar could be a brilliant, eloquent and progressive leader. He could also be extremist, violent and divisive. If his influence grows, India's tolerance and moderation will be at risk.
"Notwithstanding his...broad heart, the Mahatma has a very narrow and immature head," wrote Savarkar
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Savarkar (back row, second left) was arrested and tried as a plotter in Gandhi's murder. He was acquitted
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