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<ul><li><keyword id="8883425" type="UNKNOWN" weightage="20" keywordseo="savita-jadhav">Savita Jadhav</keyword> was an army kid but realised ‘the help’ in India’s former army areas doesn’t have equal rights when she returned to civilian life.<br /></li><li>In 2001, she founded the <keyword id="8883423" type="UNKNOWN" weightage="20" keywordseo="sadhana-institute-for-sustainable-development">Sadhana Institute for Sustainable Development</keyword> (SISD), to fight for change but no level of government wanted to take responsibility for this segment of the population.<br /></li><li>There are over 62 cantonments areas all over India, with at least five million people excluded from basic rights because of mixed governance.<br /></li></ul>India’s cantonment areas were set during the British era as temporary shelters for the soldiers. Over a hundred years down the line, the country’s gained independence and India’s in control of its own armed forces — yet these areas still struggle of human rights and remain sequestered from the constitution. <br /><br />"Even after independence, the governance in these areas stayed as when they were formed by the British Government," Savita Jadhav, founder of Sadhana Institute for Sustainable Development (SISD), told Business Insider in an interview.<br /><br /><div type="image" title="SISD" msid="74533963" hostid="261" caption="&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Community girls in Dehu Road cantonment at a meeting about protecting their rights&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;"></div>

<br />These former army areas don’t have the same governance structure as the rest of India and the same rights don’t apply. The ‘help’ brought in to service the British — to help with sweeping, cleaning, washing, milk rearing and other tasks — is now isolated in slums without access to the most basic of welfare schemes. <br /><br />"Now, that these things are being taken care of by the government — they no longer want these communities staying here and they’re being called encroached people," explained Jadhav. To make matter worse, people within the community aren’t aware of their rights, or where to go to speak up on issues.<br /><br />While Jadhav’s work focuses on the cantonment area in Pune, there are over 62 cantonments areas all over India. Official data states that there are around 2.1 million people living there, however Jadhav believes at least five million people are being excluded because of convoluted governance.<br /><br />"People within the cantonment are not aware of the situation. It’s difficult for them to see that there are still pockets of people who are being treated unconstitutionally and discriminated against," she said.<br /><br /><strong>It’s dangerous work<br /></strong>Born and brought up in the cantonment area, Jadhav enjoyed the luxuries of army life as a child when her grandfather was working at one of the army depots. But, when she returned to being a civilian, a grim reality came to light — that the community was clearly divided into two different strata. If you weren’t army personnel, you had no services or entitlement.<br /><br />Studying at schools set up by her grandfather, Jadhav studied psychology and worked in different areas of community developed. In 2001, she set out to solve the problem by setting up the SISD. But her work wasn’t without danger.<br /><br /><div type="image" title="Savita Jadhav photo 2_edited" msid="74533957" hostid="261" caption="&amp;lt;p&amp;gt;Savita Jadhav&amp;lt;/p&amp;gt;"></div>

<br />"In 2003, I was strategically working with children and people in the community. But there was a threat to me as well because it’s an army area. It’s difficult to work with a free mind since are limitations to what we can do in a defence area," said Jadhav.<br /><br />She wasn’t the only one who had to be careful. The people within the community were afraid to speak up about their own human rights for fear of the consequences. Even if they did gather the courage, they wouldn’t know where to go. <br /><br />"For local governance, in villages and other operations, people at least know where to go if they have a problem. Here, there is local governance in the form of cantonment boards, but there’s a big gap. People aren’t aware that they exist and don’t dare to go and speak about their situation, thinking that this is the army and nobody can do anything," explained Jadhav.<br /><br /><strong>Who’s responsible for the cantonment areas?<br /></strong>When she started out, Jadhav didn’t know who to approach. SISD knocked on all doors to find try and find out who was responsible for this segment of the population and nobody seemed to want to step up. <br /><br />After conducting a number of activities — like studying malnutrition, hosting numerous press conferences, and putting pressure on all central, state and local governance — the state government finally agreed to put in some effort.<br /><br />In 2012, the Integrated Child Development Service Scheme (ICDS) — the biggest scheme in India for the welfare of children — was made accessible to the people living in the Pune cantonment area.<br /><br />"If the state government can implement one scheme, then they can implement other schemes as well. If they can implement in one cantonment, they can do in other cantonments as well," said Jadhav. <br /><br />Since the defence industry falls under the unplanned sector, there is no allocation of this segment of the population in any of India’s development plans. And the government believes that since defence is a strategic sector, it’s governed by national interest and security. Hence, they are reluctant to interfere.<br /><br />However, things are changing are more representation comes to the surface. People have more say in governance but it’s still a ways to go before their rights are at par with the rest of the country.<br />

Despite the dangers, a woman is fighting for the rights of civilians in India's former army areas

Itanagar, Jun 12 () Six more people, including three Army personnel, have tested positive for COVID-19 in Arunachal Pradesh, taking the total number of cases in the state to 67, a health department official said on Friday. <p>Three Army men tested positive for the disease in Singchung sub-division of West Kameng district on Thursday night, while two persons were detected with the infection in Changlang and one in Longding, he said. </p><p>"The three Army personnel had recently returned from Bihar, while the two from Changlang had come from Noida and the one from Longding had travelled back from Gujarat. They are asymptomatic and lodged in quarantine centres," State Surveillance Officer Dr L Jampa said. </p><p>The Army has its own protocol and the three would be managed by them, he said. </p><p>Contact tracing has been initiated, Dr T Taipodia, who is dealing with the COVID-19 management in Arunachal Pradesh, said. </p><p>West Kameng district's COVID-19 nodal officer Dr Kesang Wangda has issued an advisory to civilians living in and around the Army cantonment areas of Tenga and Dahung, requesting them not to enter into restricted areas unnecessarily.One of the three Army personnel is a doctor, sources said. </p><p>Arunachal Pradesh has 63 active cases, while four patients have recovered from the disease. </p><p>Among the active cases, 42 are from Changland district, followed by three each from East Siang and West Kameng, two each from Namsai and Lohit and one each from Lower Dibang Valley, Tawang, Upper Siang, Tirap, Longding and West Siang districts. </p><p>Five active cases are from the capital complex -- comprising Itanagar and Naharlagun. </p><p>According to a bulletin of the health department, a total of 13,479 samples were tested in the state till Thursday, while results of 1,627 are awaited. </p><p>The first case in Arunachal Pradesh was reported in April 2, after a 31-year-old man tested positive for the disease following his return from a religious congregation in Delhi. He was discharged from a hospital on April 16. </p> After almost six weeks, the state had registered its second case on May 24, after a student who had returned from Delhi tested positive for the disease. UPL BDC DV DV

3 Army personnel among six new COVID-19 cases in Arunachal

(Eds: Adding inputs) <p>New Delhi, Apr 11 () In the wake of a nation-wide lockdown, parents of a gallantry award-winning officer had to undertake an over 2000-km-long journey by road to attend the funeral of their son in Bengaluru, according to a family member.  </p><p>Col Navjot Singh Bal, who had earned a Shaurya Chakra and ran marathons despite battling cancer, died on Thursday at a hospital in Bengaluru, officials said.  </p><p>The late officer's brother, Navtez Singh Bal, has been writing about the journey undertaken by the family starting from Amritsar.</p><p> "Thank you sir. At the moment my parents are in Delhi figuring out a way to reach Bangalore to perform the last rites! I hope that The Forces will also be able to say 'they can' and not force them to drive 2000+ km to get to Bangalore," he tweeted on Friday.</p><p> "Thank you all for the support! We have just reached Vadodara. Massive help and support from the Forces on the way. What a wonderful institution! If all goes well, we will hit  Bangalore tomorrow night," he again tweeted.</p><p> Army sources on Saturday said the family was offered a military aircraft to transport the body of the soldier to the national capital for cremation with full military honours at Brar Square in Delhi Cantonment.</p><p> However, the family has expressed the desire to have the cremation in Bengaluru, they said.</p><p> Both civilians and people belonging to the armed forces have been condoling Col Bal's death, with tributes pouring on social media. Many on Twitter even hoped some help would come to the family en route to Bengaluru.</p><p> India is currently under a nation-wide lockdown in view of the coronavirus pandemic, and all means of transportation have been suspended, except for essential services.</p><p> "Quick update. Now 650 km away from Bangalore. Massive support and help from the Forces and Police. Everyone at the frontline is doing a fantastic job in managing the spread of the virus," Navtez Singh Bal tweeted on Saturday.</p><p> Some Army veterans expressed sadness after the parents of this decorated officer were forced to travel such a long distance by road to perform the last rites of their son.</p> In a tweet, former Army chief Gen (retd) V P Malik, replying to a post by Col Bal's brother, wrote, "Deepest condolences! Have a safe journey. Sad GOI did not help. Rules are never written on stone. They are modified or changed in special circumstances."  KND  SNESNE

Amid lockdown, parents undertake over 2,000 km journey for Army officer's funeral

(Eds: Updating with latest inputs) <p>Itanagar, Jun 12 () Arunachal Pradesh on Friday reported its highest single-day spike of 20 COVID-19 cases, taking the tally in the state to 87, health department officials said. </p><p>Of the 20 new cases, 13 were reported from Changlang district, six from East Siang and one from Namsai. </p><p>All the new patients were returnees from other affected states and tested positive for the disease while in quarantine facilities, officials said. </p><p>The previous highest single-day spike in novel coronavirus cases was 18, recorded on June 1. </p><p>Of the total 87 COVID-19 cases, 73 are active, while four were discharged after being cured. </p><p>The northeastern states had on Thursday night reported six cases, including three Army personnel. </p><p>The three Army men tested positive for the disease in Singchung sub-division of West Kameng district, while two persons were detected with the infection in Changlang and one in Longding. </p><p>"The three Army personnel had recently returned from Bihar, while the two from Changlang had come from Noida and the one from Longding had travelled back from Gujarat. They are asymptomatic and lodged in quarantine centres," State Surveillance Officer Dr L Jampa said. </p><p>The Army has its own protocol and the three would be managed by them, he said. </p><p>West Kameng district's COVID-19 nodal officer Dr Kesang Wangda has issued an advisory to civilians living in and around the Army cantonment areas of Tenga and Dahung, requesting them not to enter into restricted areas unnecessarily. </p>One of the three Army personnel is a doctor, sources said. UPL RG NN TIR TIR

Arunachal records highest single-day spike of 20 COVID cases; tally rises to 87

<p></p><div class="KonaFilter image-container display-table float_right"><div><div class="image on-image"></div><p></p></div></div>The Iraqi Army and its Shia militia allies are gearing up for one of the defining campaigns in the war against ISIS.<p>Troops are <a href="http://www.nytimes.com/2015/05/27/world/middleeast/iraq-isis-ramadi.html">gathering outside of Ramadi</a>, the city located 80 miles from Baghdad that ISIS <a href="http://www.cnn.com/2015/05/17/asia/isis-ramadi/">took on May 17th</a>. Ramadi is majority Sunni and could serve as an ISIS foothold for an assault on the greater Baghdad area.</p><p>A successful campaign to retake the city could send ISIS into retreat. But failure would only solidify the jihadists' hold over a sizable population center at the doorstop of the Iraqi capital.</p><p><span style="line-height: 1.5em;">And the attempt to retake Ramadi looks like yet another disaster in waiting.</span></p><p>As former US Army intelligence officer Michael Pregent explained to Business Insider, taking back Ramadi is beyond the capabilities of a diminished Iraqi army and its partners, which include Iranian-backed Shia militia groups like Kataib Hezbollah and the Badr Group.</p><p>Nevertheless, The Washington Post <a href="http://www.washingtonpost.com/world/middle_east/pro-iran-militias-take-upper-hand-after-us-backed-forces-crumble-in-anbar/2015/05/30/22a3894a-03b8-11e5-93f4-f24d4af7f97d_story.html?postshare=8421433070238134">reports</a> that Iran-backed militias, under the umbrella of popular mobilization units, have already taken the lead and the Pentagon <a href="http://www.militarytimes.com/story/military/pentagon/2015/05/20/shiite-militias-us-support-iraq-ramadi-islamic-state/27651319/">may give them air support</a>.</p><p>"We wish the army could be at the same level as the [popular mobilization units]," a Kataib Hezbollah fighter <a href="http://www.washingtonpost.com/world/middle_east/pro-iran-militias-take-upper-hand-after-us-backed-forces-crumble-in-anbar/2015/05/30/22a3894a-03b8-11e5-93f4-f24d4af7f97d_story.html?postshare=8421433070238134">told the Post</a> near Ramadi. "In reality, they are much weaker."</p><p>The main problem is that an enormous deployment of soldiers and Shia militants - and then US air strikes - were required to retake Tikrit, a much smaller majority-Sunni town that had been nearly depopulated during the fighting, back in March.&#xa0;</p><p><span style="line-height: 1.5em;">And "Ramadi's different," says Pregent. "It has a civilian population and it's far harder to bomb there. The targets are harder to find and ISIS is embedded in the Sunni population ... It took 30,000 fighters to take Tikrit, and they couldn't take the city from 1,000 ISIS fighters in an area with no civilian population until the US started bombing everything."</span></p><p><span style="line-height: 1.5em;"><div class="KonaFilter image-container display-table"><div><div class="image"></div><p></p></div></div></span></p><p>Tikrit doesn't inspire confidence that Baghdad or its allies will be able to turn the tide of the conflict. And neither does Ramadi's recent past: During the US campaign in Iraq last decade, Ramadi was only secured because of a sustained effort from thousands of American military personnel, including a large deployment of Navy SEALs.&#xa0;</p><p>The sectarian militias currently parked outside the city don't have the numbers or the capabilities of the earlier US force. And they don't have the cooperation of anti-jihadist Sunni militants, a decisive factor during the American battle for the city eight years ago.</p><p>As Pregent puts it, Baghdad and its allies face "an economy of force issue" in confronting ISIS in Ramadi.</p><p>"The Iraqi security force is half of what it was a year ago," he explained. "Now we're using Shia militias as the tip of the spear to take back territory that should be reclaimed with conventional security forces."<br><span style="font-size: 15px; line-height: 1.5em;">&#xa0;</span></br></p><div class="KonaFilter image-container display-table"><div><div class="image on-image"></div><p></p></div></div><p><span>ISIS's attack on Ramadi showed that even after 11 months of US-led coalition bombing, ISIS is still dictating the terms of the conflict in Iraq. A failed Shia-led campaign to retake Sunni Ramadi would cement that dynamic even further - while emphasizing the erosion of Iraq's conventional military and sharpening the country's explosive sectarian divide.&#xa0;</span></p><p>Pregent believes that the fight to reclaim Ramadi will result in both sides "falling back on traditional Sunni-Shia fault lines."</p><p>The Shia militant groups won't be able to retake the city, but will still need to stanch ISIS's spread into strategic territory that the Baghdad government can't afford to lose, like Abu Graihb, a chokepoint neighborhood in the approaches to the Iraqi capital.</p><p></p><div class="KonaFilter image-container display-table"><div><div class="image"></div><p></p></div></div><span style="font-size: 15px; line-height: 1.5em;"></span><p>By controlling Ramadi, ISIS will have an indefinite hold on a city of over 400,000 people in a solidly Sunni area where the Iraqi government and its militia allies would have trouble operating under even the best of circumstances.</p><p>Ramadi could become the semipermanent dividing line between Iranian-supported Shia militant groups and ISIS. That's actually good news for Iran, whose power increases as the Iraqi state dwindles and the country fractures into sectarian cantons.</p><p></p><div class="KonaFilter image-container display-table"><div><div class="image on-image"></div><p></p></div></div><p><span style="font-size: 15px; line-height: 1.5em;">Qassem Suleimani, the once shadowy commander of the Iranian Revolutionary Guards' Quds Force, has seen his visibility and his prestige increase as Iranian-proxy militias take on a more decisive role in the fight against ISIS.</span></p><p>"Suleimani is becoming a person that doesn't need to be a ghost anymore," says Pregent. Events in Ramadi could make that truer than ever before.</p><div><div></div></div><p class="embed-spacer"></p>    <div class="margin-top">        <h3>NOW WATCH: <a href="http://www.businessinsider.com/what-happens-after-black-widow-spider-bite-poison-2015-4">Here's what happens when you get bitten by a black widow</a></h3>        <div>            <div>        <div class="ooyala-video-player" data-video-autoplay="false" data-video-id="5wdGFndDqN2zqp8TnWPghhDHfhDWYD_r" data-player-variable="ooyalapopvideo" id="ooyalaplayer_popvideo" style="width:1280px;height:720px"></div>        </div>        </div>            </div>

The Iraqi campaign to retake Ramadi from ISIS is a looming disaster

<p><div class="KonaFilter image-container display-table float_right"><div><div class="image on-image"><p class="source"><span>Rodi Said/Reuters</span></p><p class="caption">Fighters of the Kurdish People's Protection Units (YPG) carry their weapons at a military training camp in Ras al-Ain February 13, 2015.</p></div><p></p></div></div>Two Syrian Kurds were shot dead by a former member of the Free Syrian Army (FSA) last weekend, in what the executioner said was a response to <a href="http://aa.com.tr/en/todays-headlines/pyd-parades-bodies-of-fsa-fighters-in-syrias-afrin-/563405">an incident last month</a> in which the Kurdish People's Protection Units (YPG) killed around 50 FSA fighters <a href="https://twitter.com/martinsalice/status/725969685347442688">and transported them</a> back to Kurdish territory in an open-top trailer.</p><p><a href="https://twitter.com/NorthernStork/status/732277615139115008">Tensions have flared</a> as images of both incidents - which could not be independently verified - circulated on social media over the weekend and into Monday, until the FSA-aligned rebel group <span>Jaysh al-Thuwar <a href="http://jeshalthowar.com/?p=1175">disavowed</a> the alleged murder of the Kurdish civilians as a "crime" by a disgruntled former FSA fighter.</span></p><p><span>"The offender was fired by the rebels a month ago," the group said in a statement published on its website, calling the incident "a false military operation."</span></p><p>The incident is symbolic, however, of the mutual distrust that continues to cast a shadow over the Kurdish-Arab relationship in northern Syria.</p><p><span>"I think this is an individual act by the perpetrator, however some groups want to take credit for it and present as a revenge act for killing their members last month," <a href="https://twitter.com/mutludc">Mutlu Civiroglu</a><span>, a <span>Syria &amp; Kurdish Affairs Analyst, told Business Insider last week.</span></span></span></p><p>The incident comes as the US has tried to bring Arab and Kurdish forces together to fight the Islamic State, threatening to add new complications to that all-important battle.</p><p><span>"Amnesty International has in seven months issued two major reports highlighting allegations of war crimes by rebel and Kurdish forces in northern Syria," <span>Hassan Hassan, a Syrian journalist and <span>resident fellow at the Tahrir Institute for Middle East Policy,</span> wrote earlier this week in <a href="http://www.thenational.ae/opinion/comment/kurdish-tensions-undermine-the-war-against-isil">The National</a>. </span></span></p><p><span><span>He continued: "</span>The two reports are related to</span><span> a secondary conflict brewing between Arabs and Kurds from Hasakah to Qamashli to Aleppo, which could easily spin out of control and add to the many conflicts that already plague the country."</span></p><p><span><div class="KonaFilter image-container display-table"><div><div class="image on-image"><p class="source"><span>Reuters</span></p></div><p></p></div></div></span>Kurdish and Arab fighters have a long history of mutual distrust that peaked between 2012 and 2013, when the Kurdish People's Protection Units (YPG) battled FSA-aligned rebel groups for control over the Syrian city of Ras al-Ayn.</p><p>Those tensions have re-emerged over the past eight months. The YPG-controlled neighborhood of Sheikh Maqsood has come under siege by both Syrian government forces and the rebels, with reports emerging that the rebels have committed war crimes against the neighborhood's Kurds.</p><p><span>In March, an intense battle between Kurds and rebels in Aleppo punctured the relative calm that had been forged by the cessation of hostilities agreement brokered by the US and Russia one month earlier.</span></p><p>The rivalry has put the US in a difficult position. The YPG has proven to be the most effective force fighting ISIS on the ground in northern Syria, but the territorial expansion their victories have afforded them are vehemently opposed by Turkey, an important US ally and member of NATO.</p><p>Ankara views Kurdish demands for autonomy as a threat to Turkey's sovereignty. It backs many of the rebel groups that have clashed with the YPG. </p><p>Complicating the situation further is the High Negotiations Committee's (HNC) <a href="http://www.nytimes.com/2016/01/30/world/middleeast/syria-talks-geneva-opposition.html">insistence</a> that it should be the only opposition group represented at peace talks in Geneva, where multiple attempts to forge a political solution to the more than five-year war have failed. The HNC is a <span>Saudi-backed coalition of Syrian opposition groups created in Riyadh in December 2015.</span></p><p>Turkey has also objected, citing the Kurdish insurgency it is battling in its southeast.</p><p><div class="KonaFilter image-container display-table"><div><div class="image on-image"><p class="source"><span>REUTERS/Rodi Said</span></p><p class="caption">Fighters from the Democratic Forces of Syria carry their weapons in al-Shadadi town, in Hasaka province, Syria February 26, 2016.</p></div><p></p></div></div>The US-backed Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF) was supposed to alleviate Turkey's anxiety by incorporating some Arab and Turkmen groups to offset Kurdish influence. But the SDF was established by members of Euphrates Volcano - a coalition that included certain FSA factions but was dominated by the Kurdish YPG - and has since clashed with the FSA's 13th division near the <a href="http://www.businessinsider.com/syria-turkey-ypg-kurds-azaz-2016-2" target="_blank">strategically important Azaz corridor</a>.</p><p><span>"The US may not want to jeopardise its relationship with a force that has helped it win key tactical battles against ISIL in Syria, but the unconditional support for the YPG is irresponsible because it creates unnecessary conflicts and undermines the long-term war against extremists," <span>said Hassan, who co-wrote "</span><a href="http://www.amazon.com/ISIS-Inside-Terror-Michael-Weiss/dp/1941393578">ISIS: Inside the Army of Terror</a><span>." </span></span></p><p>Not everyone would agree that the US' support for the YPG is "unconditional." And the case could be made that the US' decision to gamble its relationship with Turkey - which has been <a href="http://www.businessinsider.com/russia-turkey-isis-oil-ties-2015-12" target="_blank">accused repeatedly of turning a blind eye to ISIS'</a> illicit activities - in favor of a closer relationship with the fiercely anti-ISIS YPG was a strategic move.</p><p><span>Still, </span><span>Washington's insistence that supporting the group is key to defeating ISIS <a href="http://www.businessinsider.com/syria-turkey-ypg-kurds-azaz-2016-2">was complicated in February</a>, when YPG forces further west appeared to be </span><span>actively coordinating with Russia to recapture territory taken by anti-Assad rebels near Azaz.</span></p><p><div class="KonaFilter image-container display-table"><div><div class="image on-image"><p class="source"><span>Alaa Al-Faqir/Reuters</span></p><p class="caption">People carry a banner and wave Free Syrian Army flags while attending an anti-government protest in the rebel-held town of Dael, in Deraa Governorate, Syria March 18, 2016.</p></div><p></p></div></div>As<span> Hassan noted, because one of the YPG's primary goals is to expand its territory in northern Syria by linking its Afrin canton with Jarabulus - and because it is more "anti-ISIS" than "anti-Assad" - the group is viewed suspiciously by Turkey and Sunni opposition groups in Syria.</span></p><p><span><span>"I've argued all along that empowering the YPG </span><span>without doing the same for the Sunni Arab opposition would create an acute power imbalance in northern Syria," Middle East expert <a href="https://twitter.com/Charles_Lister?ref_src=twsrc%5Egoogle%7Ctwcamp%5Eserp%7Ctwgr%5Eauthor" target="_blank">Charles Lister</a> wrote on Twitter last week, noting that the "i<span>mbalance may spark a conflict that could outlast" that between the regime and the opposition.</span></span></span></p><p><span><span><span>"This position has nothing to do with being pro or anti anyone," Lister said. "It's merely the result of assessing broader dynamics in Syria's north."</span></span></span></p>    <div class="margin-top">        <h3>NOW WATCH: <a href="http://www.businessinsider.com/trump-north-korea-kim-jong-un-nuclear-program-2016-5"> Trump said he's willing to do what no sitting US president has ever done</a></h3>        <div>            <div>        <div class="ooyala-video-player" data-video-autoplay="false" data-video-id="ZhanNrMzE6er8Y96bxxNGT_fc6HiDQ_v" data-player-variable="ooyalapopvideo" id="ooyalaplayer_popvideo" style="width:1280px;height:720px"></div>        </div>        </div>            </div>

You Searched For "civilians in army cantonment" and got 6 results

Despite the dangers, a woman is fighting for the rights of civilians in India's former army areas

Prabhjote Gill

3 Army personnel among six new COVID-19 cases in Arunachal

PTI

Amid lockdown, parents undertake over 2,000 km journey for Army officer's funeral

PTI

Arunachal records highest single-day spike of 20 COVID cases; tally rises to 87

PTI

The Iraqi campaign to retake Ramadi from ISIS is a looming disaster

Armin Rosen

There's a 'secondary conflict' brewing in northern Syria that 'could easily spin out of control'

Natasha Bertrand

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