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<keyword id="1575" type="ORGANIZATION" weightage="20" keywordseo="Congress">Congress</keyword> members on Wednesday raised in both Houses of Parliament the alleged tracking of over 10,000 prominent Indian individuals and organisations by a Chinese technology company and asked the government to build an "impregnable firewall" to deal with the "<keyword id="9949853" type="UNKNOWN" weightage="20" keywordseo="digital-aggression">digital aggression</keyword>" by the neighbouring country. Rajya Sabha Chairman M Venkaiah Naidu asked the Minister of Parliamentary Affairs to inform the minister concerned to "see what can be done and find out the veracity also", after Congress members, K C Venugopal and Rajiv Satav expressed concern over a media report in this regard, during the Zero Hour. Leader of Congress in <keyword id="6355187" type="UNKNOWN" weightage="20" keywordseo="lok-sabha">Lok Sabha</keyword> Adhir Ranjan Chowdhury said China has been behind the spread of coronavirus, physical aggression in Ladakh and now "digital aggression". "We are in clutches of China. Is the government not aware of it?...Our national security is being shattered," Chowdhury said while raising the issue during the question hour in the Lower House. He requested IT Minister <keyword id="6354886" type="PERSON" weightage="20" keywordseo="Ravi-Shankar-Prasad">Ravi Shankar Prasad</keyword> to build an "impregnable firewall to resist the new menace". His party colleague Suresh Kodikunnil too raised the issue. Earlier in the day, Congress members Venugopal and Satav took up the issue during the Zero Hour in the Upper House. "I would like to invite the attention of this House through you Chairman, a shocking news which is related to national security and privacy of Indian citizens," Venugopal said. He said the Indian Express has reported that a Shenzen-based technology company with links to the Chinese government, and the Chinese Communist Party, is tracking over 10,000 Indian individuals and organisations in its global database of foreign targets. "This includes...very shocking, the President of India also, you the Vice President of India, the Prime Minister of India and the opposition leaders, including Congress President, Chief Ministers, MPs, army chief, and industrialists," Venugopal said. The Chinese company has also collected the database of bureaucrats in key positions, judges, scientists, academicians, journalists, actors, sportspersons, religious figures and activists, he added. "This is a major area of concern. I would like to know from the government whether it has taken note of it. If so, what action has been taken," Venugopal asked. The Congress leader also charged that the government was not answering and discussing reports regarding Chinese intrusion in border areas. Echoing his views, Satav said this is a very serious issue. "The government should clarify. The truth should come out. How can a Chinese company spy on prominent people," Satav said. To this, Naidu asked the Minister of Parliamentary Affairs to take note of the matter. "It has appeared prominently. So inform the minister concerned and see what can be done and find out the veracity also," the Rajya Sabha Chairman said. SEE ALSO: <a href="https://www.businessinsider.in/policy/economy/news/rbi-governor-shaktikanta-das-speech-highlights-on-16-september-2020/articleshow/78143035.cms">RBI Governor highlights five key areas that will determine India's growth in the post-COVID world</a> <a href="https://www.businessinsider.in/tech/gadgets/news/apple-watch-series-6-ipad-air-ipad-8-and-apple-one-will-be-available-in-india/slidelist/78141813.cms">Apple Watch Series 6, iPad Air, iPad 8, and Apple One will be available in India — here’s how much they cost</a> <a href="https://www.businessinsider.in/business/startups/news/amid-india-china-standoff-tencent-is-back-with-an-investment-in-flipkart/articleshow/78140794.cms">Amid India-China standoff, Tencent is back with an investment in Flipkart</a> <a href="https://www.businessinsider.in/science/health/news/-indias-surging-covid-19-infections-is-testing-the-health-infra-once-again/articleshow/78143000.cms">India’s surging COVID-19 infections is testing the health infra once again — beds added during lockdown aren’t enough</a>

Congress asks for an 'impregnable firewall' to defend against China's 'digital aggression' in Parliament

<div class="KonaFilter image-container display-table float_right"><div><div class="image on-image">REUTERS/Wolfgang RattayIndia's Prime Minister Narendra Modi is seen at the G20 summit in Hamburg, Germany July 7, 2017.</div></div></div>China and India have been locked in a military standoff in a remote section of the Himalayas for a couple of months. At first it appeared to be the latest of the minor clashes that have flared between the countries for decades. But this time it has lasted longer than usual. There are two questions to be answered. The first is what is the geopolitical interest, if any, that is driving the standoff? The second is why is it happening now?The geopolitical issue is that China and India are both heavily populated countries with substantial military forces, including nuclear weapons. They are both industrializing rapidly, and they can both theoretically challenge each other on multiple levels - militarily, politically and economically. In fact, these challenges are all merely theoretical, but geopolitics operates at the level of possibility, and the possibility of a challenge is present, however remote. But before their rivalry can turn into full-fledged war, there's one massive obstacle that would need to be overcome.<h2>The moderating power of mountains</h2>China and India are next to each other, but in a certain sense they don't really share a border. The Himalayas separate them almost as much as an ocean would. Getting over the mountains is difficult; roads are sparse and generally in poor condition. It is easier to trade with each other by sea than land. Sending and supplying major military forces into and across the Himalayas is almost impossible. The roads and passes won't permit the passage of enough supplies to sustain large numbers of troops in intense combat. In that sense, China and India are secure from each otherBoth countries have nuclear weapons, and obviously, anything is possible. But neither side has anything to gain from a nuclear exchange. The Soviets and Americans avoided a nuclear exchange during the Cold War, and the Indians and Chinese have far less to gain from an exchange than they did.China and India aren't exactly equals - they're close economically, but even that is a stretch. But the Himalayas are the equalizer, and the Himalayas aren't going away.<div class="KonaFilter image-container display-table"><div><div class="image on-image">Geopolitical Futures</div></div></div><h2>Conflict by other means</h2>Their militaries may not be able to easily cross the Himalayas, but it takes little effort for them to attack each other politically. On the north side of the Himalayas lies Tibet. It is a plateau, consisting of a non-Chinese population, that was temporarily independent until it was reoccupied by China in the 1950s. In the chaos that followed the Chinese invasion, Tibet's leader, the Dalai Lama, fled to India, where he was welcomed. The Dalai Lama continues to symbolize Tibetan independence, and Tibet continues to be restive under Chinese rule.What is most important about Tibet is that it lies on the other side of the Himalayas from India. If Tibet became independent by some means and allied with India, then theoretically an Indian force could be based there and, in time, could build up a logistical system that could support an attack into China itself. This is all far-fetched, but given history, a prudent state must take the preposterous into account. History is filled with examples of the inconceivable becoming reality.This, then, explains China's obsession with Tibet and its anger at India's support for the Dalai Lama. The Chinese core, Han China, is protected by buffers: Tibet, Xinjiang, Inner Mongolia and Manchuria. The last two are not a problem. Xinjiang has a significant Islamist movement. But Tibet is hostile and has a foreign patron. Beijing is therefore, if not obsessed, extremely concerned about Tibet and India.<div class="KonaFilter image-container display-table"><div><div class="image on-image">Geopolitical Futures</div></div></div>That is the Chinese issue. India's concern is the same in reverse. There are two other states on the southern side of the Himalayas: Bhutan and Nepal. Both are on plateaus. If China gained control of or a presence in either, it could also mass forces and logistical supplies and potentially threaten India with military force.Nepal in particular concerns India, because it has been politically unstable and has a Maoist movement. Nepal also values its independence and resents India's intrusions in its affairs. The Chinese have been solicitous of the independence of both countries, and just this week, China's vice premier visited Nepal for four days. Before that visit, India's foreign minister was in Nepal, and Nepal's prime minister will visit India on Aug. 25. Suspicion abounds. The Indians are as suspicious of China's intentions south of the Himalayas as China is of India's north of them.<h2>A political "solution"</h2>A large-scale invasion would be a logistical nightmare for either country to orchestrate, but technically not impossible. The two did conduct a war in Tibet in 1962 for about month. Yet the brevity of the war speaks to the high cost and complexity of waging battle at 14,000 feet, so much so that it strongly discourages war. But a political evolution in Tibet or Nepal could change the balance. If Tibet threw out the Chinese and invited the Indians in, China would actually be in danger. If Nepal created a pro-Chinese government and invited in the Chinese while the Indians weren't looking, the same could happen in reverse. And India is poking at Tibet and China at Nepal, the latter with some possibility of success.The likelihood of either Tibet or Nepal moving out of China's or India's sphere of influence is doubtful. It's hard to imagine that either could foment a sustainable uprising. If it were to happen, though, it could only be taken advantage of by one or the other having secured a road through the Himalayas that could support the movement of troops and supplies.It is the Chinese now who are trying half-heartedly to build such a road into Bhutan. But there is a long way to go, and India will resist all the way. If the road even made it through, it would be met with a blocking force. Of course, a pro-Chinese government installed in Nepal or Bhutan would complicate the matter. If the Chinese could rapidly insert some troops, causing the Indians to have to initiate combat against Chinese forces, there is an outside chance that it could work, just as under even more trying circumstances it might work for India in Tibet.India and China are separated by terrain. There is no military solution to that, but in this case, there might be a political solution. If that were to happen, then we could speak of a China-India rivalry in real terms, rather than in the vague, notional ways we speak now. And both sides are prepared to devote minor military force and major political power to prevent it from happening.It is unlikely in the extreme that any of this will come to bear. But in a world where the impossible is not an absolute, neither country is prepared to gamble. And so they skirmish in altitudes at the limits of human endurance for a far-fetched possibility. Nations do not take their national security lightly merely because the threat is preposterous.<h2><a href="https://geopoliticalfutures.com/">Check out more from Geopolitical Futures</a></h2> <div class="margin-top"> <h3>NOW WATCH: <a href="http://www.businessinsider.com/annoying-resume-mistakes-buzzwords-grammar-typos-experience-careers-strategy-jobs-interview-application-employer-2017-7">A former HR exec who reviewed over 40,000 résumés says these 7 résumé mistakes annoy her</a></h3> <div> </div> </div>

China and India are guarding against the preposterous

Prime Minister <keyword id="6354477" type="PERSON" weightage="100" keywordseo="Narendra-Modi">Narendra Modi</keyword> is in <keyword id="6356598" type="COUNTRY" weightage="100" keywordseo="Bhutan">Bhutan</keyword> on a two-day visit (June 15-16) to the Himalayan nation – his first foreign visit as the <keyword id="3658" type="COUNTRY" weightage="100" keywordseo="India">India</keyword> premier. But why did he choose Bhutan as his first foreign destination after assuming office in May this year? 
 
Before his departure, Modi said Bhutan was a ‘natural choice’ for his visit because of the ‘unique and special relationship’ between the two countries. “Bound by common interests and shared prosperity, India and Bhutan enjoy a unique and special relationship, which has been forged by ties of geography, history and culture. Therefore, Bhutan as the destination for my first visit abroad as Prime Minister is a natural choice,” he said. Modi also described the bilateral ties as B2B relations – Bharat-to-Bhutan relations. 
 Relations between India and Bhutan have always been warm and friendly. Bhutan, along with <keyword id="12266" type="COUNTRY" weightage="60" keywordseo="Nepal">Nepal</keyword>, is India’s closest friend in the neighbourhood. India is the largest trading partner of Bhutan. In fact, Bhutan is fully dependent on India for its trade as India accounts for 98% of its exports and 90% of its imports. 
 India has also played a crucial role in the infrastructural development and security in Bhutan. India provides military training to the Bhutanese army. Bhutan does not have air force and it depends on the <keyword id="15141" type="ORGANIZATION" weightage="100" keywordseo="Indian-Air-Force">Indian Air Force</keyword> for support. Since it is a landlocked country, it does not have navy. 
 The bilateral relations between the two countries have been close historically. In 1949, India and Bhutan signed the <keyword id="2339173" type="UNKNOWN" weightage="100" keywordseo="Treaty-of-Friendship">Treaty of Friendship</keyword>, under which Bhutan agreed to let India ‘guide’ its foreign policy while both nations would consult each other on foreign policies. 
 <keyword id="1334" type="COUNTRY" weightage="100" keywordseo="China">China</keyword>’s annexation of Tibet brought both the nations even closer. In 1958, the then Indian Prime Minister, <keyword id="6360386" type="PERSON" weightage="100" keywordseo="Jawaharlal-Nehru">Jawaharlal Nehru</keyword>, went to Bhutan and on his return, announced in the Parliament that “any aggression against Bhutan would be seen as aggression against India.” 
 Bhutan, too, has always stood by India. It supported India on the <keyword id="148052" type="UNKNOWN" weightage="100" keywordseo="Comprehensive-Test-Ban-Treaty">Comprehensive Test Ban Treaty</keyword> (<keyword id="42800" type="ORGANIZATION" weightage="100" keywordseo="CTBT">CTBT</keyword>) issue and the Pokhran nuclear tests. In 2003, Bhutan launched military operations against the <keyword id="534673" type="ORGANIZATION" weightage="100" keywordseo="United-Liberation-Front-of-Assam">United Liberation Front of Assam</keyword> (<keyword id="38341" type="ORGANIZATION" weightage="100" keywordseo="ULFA">ULFA</keyword>), which had established some bases in the Bhutanese territory. 
 
Modi’s visit assumes more significance as it comes before the talks between Bhutan and China. China, of late, has been keen on establishing diplomatic ties with Bhutan.

Why Modi Chose Bhutan For His First Foreign Visit

<ul class="summary-list"><li>India's Prime Minister Narendra Modi had his power pegged back in elections this week. </li><li>It was also the 35th anniversary of the Tiananmen Square massacre in China. </li></ul><a target="_blank" href="https://www.businessinsider.com/narendra-modi-won-already-seeing-cost-him-allies-cabinet-funding-2024-6">Narendra Modi's strongman ambitions</a> suffered a setback this week.His Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) party fell<a target="_blank" href="https://www.businessinsider.com/narendra-modi-win-bjp-india-election-explained-2024-6"> short of the landslide victory </a>many had predicted in the Indian elections.As Modi becomes India's prime minister for a third time, his party will have to enter into a power-sharing agreement with alliance partners.It's a chastening lesson from the Indian electorate for Modi, who, while boosting India's global standing, has been accused of stoking division and weakening India's democracy.On the same day as the Indian election results, <a target="_blank" href="https://www.state.gov/on-the-35th-anniversary-of-tiananmen-square/">the world marked the 35th anniversary </a>of the June 4, 1989 Tiananmen Square massacre, which saw a brutal crackdown on pro-democracy protesters in Beijing.In the decades since, China has slid back into Maoist-style authoritarianism.The events this week highlighted how the competition between India and China is about more than raw power. It's also a competition between two very different political ideologies.<h2 id="6acd91a8-36b3-408f-85c1-259d5944f4e0">India is a flawed but thriving democracy</h2>India is the world's largest democracy. Its first elections were held in 1951-52 after it gained independence from Britain. Free elections have been held in nearly every election cycle since, with a coup in 1975 briefly threatening India's democratic status.It is a rare bright spot in a world where democracy seems to be in retreat. Even in the US, the global champion of democracy, former president Donald Trump is accused of launching an attempt to cling to power illegally after losing the 2020 election.<div type="image" title="Indian voters" height="683" width="1024" msid="110819479" hostid="261" sizebytes="88454"></div>"India isn't a perfect democracy but it is still a role model for developing nations, large or small. And given trends in some Western democracies, I would have to say that there are several things they, too, should be learning from India," said Jabin T. Jacob, an expert on India-China relations at Shiv Nadar University, India.India's democracy, though, faces a stern test under Modi, say critics. Global democracy watchdog <a target="_blank" href="https://www.bbc.co.uk/news/world-asia-india-56393944">Freedom House in 2021</a> downgraded India's democratic status, saying Modi's Hindu nationalist movement had menaced journalists, attacked Muslims, and corroded civil liberties.Jacob said this week's results showed India's democracy remained resilient despite the pressures, while dealing a blow to a leader seen to have overstepped his authority."We have just seen an election in which the Indian electorate decided that their interests are best served by power shared more evenly among a set of political formations that represent diverse interests and aspirations. That is the essence of democracy," he said."The Indian electorate is a very mature one, and it has always intervened in a timely fashion against authoritarian tendencies in its rulers."It's unclear whether Modi will now double down on the nationalism he's championed or seek a more moderate path based on economic reform.<h2 id="c1fe728e-200a-4edb-8d77-94ea6111c952">China's rise comes at a high cost</h2>There are those in India, though, <a target="_blank" href="https://www.ft.com/content/daa87f88-ae0e-11e3-974d-00144feab7de">who have been astonished</a> at the speed and efficiency of China's rise to economic superpower status.China has become the world's second-largest economy, and the lives of millions of ordinary Chinese people have been transformed. Though India has made huge economic progress under Modi, it still lags behind.<div type="image" title="China high speed rail" height="644" width="1024" msid="110819477" hostid="261" sizebytes="117068"></div>"Perhaps the greatest challenge democracy faces in India is that is has failed to deliver the kind of sustained economic development enjoyed by neighbors like China over the last four decades. It has also failed to eliminate extreme poverty," wrote Chatham House <a target="_blank" href="https://www.chathamhouse.org/2022/04/democracy-india">analyst Gareth Price in 2022.</a>But with prosperity in China, has come reduced freedom.Since Tiananmen Square 35 years ago, China's Communist Party has rolled back many of the freedoms its citizens once had.Its current leader, Xi Jinping, has imposed a draconian surveillance state and is considered <a target="_blank" href="https://www.businessinsider.com/china-xi-jinping-ai-wreak-havoc-america-world-economy-2024-6">China's most authoritarian ruler</a> since Mao Tse Tung.Dominic Chiu, an analyst with the Eurasia Group, told Business Insider that China's system had given it an economic advantage — but at a cost."China's one-party rule in the reform era enabled consistent long-term policymaking and economic planning," he said. "This benefited China's economy immensely when the leadership decided to liberalize markets, privatize industries, and open the country up to foreign investment." But, he said, China's repressive one-party system was also deterring investors. And with China's <a target="_blank" href="https://www.businessinsider.com/china-falls-out-of-love-with-natural-diamonds-industry-struggles-2024-6">economy experiencing a steep </a>downturn, this poses a serious problem for its future growth.<h2 id="ebafe111-fa5e-49b8-95d3-f92a674d0da2">China and India vie for dominance</h2>Having achieved economic superpower status, China is now seeking to assert its power more aggressively both regionally and internationally.Tensions with India are increasing. In 2020, clashes along the countries' Himalayan border resulted in the death of 20 Indian soldiers and four Chinese.<div type="image" title="India-China border" height="683" width="1024" msid="110819475" hostid="261" sizebytes="158650"></div><a target="_blank" href="https://uk.news.yahoo.com/modi-mission-assert-indias-global-123002908.html">Analysts told BI</a> that building stronger alliances to counter Chinese aggression will be one of the core aims of Modi's third term.And its commitment to democracy hands it an important advantage, said Jacob."India's democratic status is critical for its international standing. It is an opportunity to develop a model of economic and political development that is both equitable and democratic and thus distinct from the aggressive capitalism of the US or the authoritarianism of the PRC," he said.In 2021, India entered<a target="_blank" href="https://uk.news.yahoo.com/modi-went-straight-reelection-needling-103142130.html"> into the "Quad" partnership </a>with democracies the US, Japan, and Australia, to counter what is perceived as growing Chinese aggression in the Pacific and Indian Ocean.It's a political alliance that would've been more difficult to broker if India was ruled by an authoritarian government,<a target="_blank" href="https://www.brookings.edu/articles/democracy-and-the-us-india-relationship/"> say observers.</a><h2 id="b9b7d5ac-0c25-43f4-adf2-9128d9242020">Competing nationalist visions</h2>Some analysts, though, say that the competition between India and China is not, at its core, about competing political systems but about competing nationalist visions.According to this interpretation, both Xi and Modi are committed to restoring what they see as their nation's rightful place at the top of the global order.But in his quest to strengthen India, critics are warning Modi not to undermine the commitment to democracy and pluralism they believe is at the heart of its post-independence success.Jacob said those in India jealous of China's economic might should look more closely at the reality."Indians who argue against democracy using the China comparison clearly don't understand anything about the reality of China and the Chinese people," he said.

The competition between India and China is about more than raw power

<ul class="summary-list"><li>The G7's approach to China's economy is accelerating a new cold war, Nouriel Roubini wrote.</li><li>Western commitment to containing China's economic influence, risks an eventual "violent crack-up."</li></ul>While the US has voiced hopes for warmer relations with China, the G7's approach to Beijing is accelerating another cold war, economist Nouriel Roubini wrote in a <a href="https://www.project-syndicate.org/commentary/federal-reserve-monetary-framework-needs-overhaul-by-mohamed-a-el-erian-2023-05" target="_blank" rel="noopener">Project Syndicate</a> piece.Despite rhetoric at the May summit that suggested de-risking relations with China rather than a more aggressive decoupling, the group shows that "far from thawing, the new cold war is getting colder," he warned."Unlike previous gatherings, when G7 leaders offered mostly talk and little action, this summit turned out to be one of the most important in the group's history," he wrote. "The US, Japan, Europe, and their friends and allies made it clearer than ever that they intend to join forces to counter China."Roubini pointed to the inclusion of India, South Korea, Indonesia and Brazil in the summit as well as warnings against China's "economic coercion," expansion the South and East China Seas, and aggression against Taiwan. After the summit, <a href="https://www.npr.org/2023/03/07/1161570798/china-accuses-u-s-of-containment-warns-of-potential-conflict" target="_blank" rel="noopener">Beijing accused Western leaders</a> of trying to contain and suppress China. And Roubini said Beijing could use its dominance in rare-earths metals to retaliate against the US sanctions and trade restrictions.Meanwhile, the trade standoff around semiconductors is also fueling cooler relations as US export restrictions are joined by more allies — a bid to keep China technologically behind."So, while the G7 may have set out to deter China without escalating the cold war, the perception in Beijing suggests that Western leaders failed to thread the needle. It is now clearer than ever that the US and the broader West are committed to containing China's rise," he concluded.He cited also recent interviews with Henry Kissinger, who helped reopen US-China relations in the 1970s, where the veteran diplomat warned that the two countries are on a "collision course" unless they reach a new understanding."The deeper the freeze, the greater the risk of a violent crack-up," Roubini said.

The West's efforts to contain the Chinese economy are escalating a new cold war and raise the risk of a 'violent crack-up,' Nouriel Roubini says

<ul class="summary-list"><li>Despite pressure from Western allies, India has refused to isolate Russia over the Ukraine war.</li><li>India's Narendra Modi this week spoke with both Ukraine's and Russia's leaders.</li></ul>When <a target="_blank" class="" href="https://www.businessinsider.com/narendra-modi-won-already-seeing-cost-him-allies-cabinet-funding-2024-6">Narendra Modi</a> visited Ukraine over the weekend, he greeted its president Volodymyr Zelenskyy with an exuberant bear hug.He did the same <a target="_blank" class="" href="https://www.businessinsider.com/russia-economy-india-modi-putin-hug-west-isolation-big-blow-2024-7">to Vladimir Putin</a> only weeks ago when he traveled to Moscow to meet the Russian president, much to the anger of Zelenskyy."It is a huge disappointment and a devastating blow to peace efforts to see the leader of the world's largest democracy hug the world's most bloody criminal in Moscow on such a day," Zelenskyy wrote on X at the time.Modi's visits to both Ukraine and Russia characterize his relentless ambiguity on the Ukraine war. He has not condemned nor supported the invasion and is now acting as a peacemaker.The diplomatic highwire act highlights the dilemma Modi faces as he seeks to balance pressure from the US to show more support for Ukraine against <a target="_blank" class="" href="https://www.businessinsider.com/modi-putin-russia-india-relationship-not-worried-us-biden-mad-2024-7">maintaining good ties with Russia.</a><h2 id="5631f287-50fa-42fc-9492-15da89d39bf8">A quick end to the war</h2>In the wake of the Ukraine trip, Modi called Putin. In a post on X, Modi said he reiterated "India's firm commitment to support an early, abiding and peaceful resolution of the conflict."Dinakar Peri, a fellow at the Council for Strategic and Defense Research, told Business Insider that Modi's Ukraine visit was high on symbolism."Although the image of India being a peacemaker is largely rhetoric, the fact of the matter is that India is definitely uniquely positioned in comparison to many other countries due to the kind of bandwidth they have with Russia," said Peri.Rahul Bhatia, an analyst with the Eurasia Group, told BI that while India is reluctant to come down on one side in the Ukraine war, it sees grave dangers in a prolonged conflict in Ukraine."India has sought to take a balanced approach to the war in Ukraine. New Delhi wants to maintain its relationship with Russia regardless of its diplomatic isolation," said Bhatia.<h2 id="bb68f21a-9c73-4a16-a530-190e801237c5">India's ties with the Kremlin are tested</h2>Modi's insistence on not taking a side in <a target="_blank" class="" href="https://www.businessinsider.com/russian-murder-convict-ivan-rossomakhin-kills-again-joins-army-wagner-2024-8">Ukraine</a> is likely to baffle and frustrate many Western observers, but analysts say there are vital economic and strategic goals behind India's position.India has long had <a target="_blank" class="" href="https://www.businessinsider.com/putin-bid-undermine-global-ukraine-support-working-zelenskyy-peace-2024-6">close diplomatic ties with Russia</a>. During the Cold War, it relied on the Kremlin for military support while the US-backed regional rival Pakistan.It now depends on Russia for oil supplies, surpassing <a target="_blank" class="" href="https://www.businessinsider.com/xi-china-putin-russia-frenemies-limits-power-sphere-influence-2024-7">China</a> this week to become Russia's top oil importer."Most of the oil India imports from Russia is actually going to Europe," said Peri. "India is just a conduit — the oil is refined here, and the refined petroleum products are going to Europe as we speak.""In that way, India has played the middle role of stabilizing the larger global economy, which would otherwise have gone for a toss."Peri also pointed out India's dependence on Russia for military equipment, as well as upgrades and spare parts."Around 60% of Indian military equipment is of Russian origin," said Peri. "We have received a lot from other countries in the last few decades, like France, Israel, and increasingly so from the US, but we're still heavily Russian-oriented."But the Ukraine war has shaken up India's relations with the Kremlin.The US is pressuring India to help isolate Putin as punishment for the Ukraine invasion, and India is worried about the Kremlin's increasingly close relationship with China, which has backed Russia amid the Ukraine invasion."India-US ties are not just about Russia or the war in Ukraine," said Peri. "They're also about trade and strategic cooperation, which in some cases is also underpinned by concerns over China or the larger developments in the Indo-Pacific."<h2 id="4c3050d8-adb0-46af-b14f-2689f19f7caa">India sees Russia as a buffer against China's aggression</h2>India has long been concerned about China's increasing aggressiveness in Asia, with a Himalayan border dispute erupting into clashes that left 24 people dead in 2020.Indian and Chinese militaries have been engaged in a standoff on the disputed region of Ladakh since 2020. Although the countries have disengaged on several points, the standoff has continued.Peri said that is India dependent on good ties with the Kremlin to help mitigate that threat: "The standoff created new dynamics for India, and those are all factors which will be in Indian calculations on the stand it takes."Bhatia agreed that India has an eye on China when it engages with Russia. "While New Delhi accepts that Russia and China will gradually grow closer, it believes that maintaining a good relationship with Moscow will ensure that Russia remains neutral when India-China border tensions flare up," he said.It also relies on close ties with the US to help counter China's aggression, reviving the "Quad" dialogue with the US, Australia, and Japan in 2017 to counter China's threat.In the meantime, Modi will likely continue India's tightrope act, maintaining its alliance with the US while seeking not to alienate the Kremlin as it warily watches China's growing might.

India's refusal to take a side in the Ukraine war is frustrating the West. But it has its reasons.

Even as India has made it clear that Chinese have not entered the Indian territory or captured any posts, on the ground in Ladakh, the veterans and porters who have stood to external aggressions in the past say if need be they are ready to fight for the country at the Line of Actual Control (LAC). In Ladakh veterans who played a pivotal role in the previous escalations with China and Pakistan are reminiscing about the times gone by. They say they may not be in service anymore but their passion to serve the country remain strong as ever. Veteran Honorary Captain Tashi Chhepal contributed in evicting the Pakistanis from the mountain peaks during the Kargil conflict. A feat that won him the Vir Chakra. He says the current stand off has stark similarities with the 1999 Kargil conflict. He is angry about the loss of 20 Indian soldiers in the Galwan valley. "During 1962 China war, we didn't have enough equipment, but we have a very advanced army," he says. "It is sad though that soldiers got killed in the Galwan Valley." He said the soldiers should have the full liberty to use arms when they come under such an aggression. "If the jawans don't use these weapons when they are getting killed, when would they?" he asked. Ladakhis have scripted stories of bravery and valour fighting as regular soldiers or as volunteers helping to move materials on the mountain tops and stand against the adversary be it the Indo-China war of 1962 or the Kargil conflict of 1999. Retired Hawaldar Tsering Angdus said he served the army for 22 years and has patrolled the Galwan Valley and other sensitive spots at the LAC in the past. He says China always had its eyes fixed on the Indian territories at the LAC but India will never allow the Chinese to infringe on its sovereignty. He says if orders come by he will fight shoulder to shoulder with the army. "I am trained in using weapons, whenever need arises I would be ready to serve my country again on the frontline," he said. SEE ALSO: <a href="https://www.businessinsider.in/defense/news/indian-army-on-india-china-war-in-galwan-valley-soldiers-killed/articleshow/76402297.cms">‘Serious clashes’ between India and China⁠ in Galwan Valley — India says 'Chinese troops had planned this escalation'</a> <a href="https://www.businessinsider.in/defense/news/government-allows-soldiers-use-firearms-across-lac-in-extraordinary-situations/articleshow/76490873.cms">Government allows soldiers to use firearms across LAC in extraordinary situations</a> <a href="https://www.businessinsider.in/defense/news/india-hits-back-at-china-over-galwan-valley-claims/articleshow/76483301.cms">India’s hits back at China over Galwan Valley claim calling it 'exaggerated and untenable'</a>

Army veterans say they are ready to fight at the LAC to stop China if need arises

<ul class="summary-list"><li>China's yuan is nearing a key psychological milestone of seven per dollar even as Beijing imposes a strict reference rate for the currency. </li><li>The yuan extended losses against the greenback Wednesday, facing headwinds like a hawkish US Fed as well and domestic COVID-19 lockdowns. </li></ul>China's yuan continues to weaken against the dollar and is getting closer to the psychological threshold of 7 per greenback, even as Beijing has set a steep reference rate for the currency. The People's Bank of China moved the fix 454 pips above the average estimate, according to a Bloomberg survey. It marks the 11th consecutive day of stronger-than-expected fixings. The currency continues to weaken thanks to a hawkish US Federal Reserve, as well as China's ongoing COVID-19 lockdowns, which have weighed on industry and the economy. Bloomberg data shows that the spread between the onshore yuan and the currency fixing widened to more than 600 pips, which signals bearish sentiment and marked the biggest spread since May. On Monday, too, China's central bank announced it would slash foreign-currency reserve ratio requirements, another move aimed at propping up the yuan.Starting on September 15, financial institutions will need to hold 6% of their foreign-currency deposits in reserves, down from the current 8%. Meanwhile, China's foreign exchange reserves declined for a second consecutive month and hit their lowest point since October 2018, the government said this week.China's shrinking stockpile stemmed in part from the steep strengthening of the US dollar, which could see even more gains as markets begin to <a href="https://www.wsj.com/articles/jerome-powells-inflation-fighting-pledge-could-tee-up-another-0-75-point-interest-rate-rise-11662550241?mod=hp_lead_pos1">weigh the odds</a> of another 75-basis-point rate hike in the US."We will keep at it until we are confident the job is done," Jerome Powell said at Jackson Hole in August, underscoring the bank's commitment to raising interest rates and lowering inflation.High global inflation also weighed on China's economic prospects, as the country's trade surplus, which is a key source of foreign exchange, dropped to $79.4 billion in August, down $21.9 billion from July, according to Bloomberg data. That smaller surplus will drag on the yuan further, even with policy moves from the People's Bank of China.

China's yuan continues to fall against the dollar despite Beijing's aggressive steps to prop up the currency

China has taken a sudden turn toward "gross aggression" against its neighbours, including India, and in the Indo-Pacific, a senior administration official said after the conclusion of the Quad ministerial in Tokyo, wherein the leaders vowed to coordinate in ensuring peace and stability of the strategically vital region. The foreign ministers from the Indo-Pacific nations known as the Quad group - the US, Japan, India and Australia - met in Tokyo on Tuesday in what was their first in-person talks since the coronavirus pandemic began. The meeting took place in the backdrop of China's aggressive military behaviour in the Indo-Pacific, South China Sea and along the Line of Actual Control (LAC) in eastern Ladakh. Japanese Foreign Minister Toshimitsu Motegi, External Affairs Minister S Jaishankar, US Secretary of State Mike Pompeo and Australian Foreign Minister Marise Payne affirmed strengthening of a free, open and rules-based international order. Chinese aggressiveness was a matter of concern, a senior State Department official told reporters travelling with Pompeo. "That is the concern. I mean, if you look at the conflict in the Himalayas between China and India, something that has been in the past handled according to unspoken or unwritten rules to prevent these things from getting out of control, and then you look at what happened here recently, where you've got actually people beating each other to death," the official said. "If you look at the single thing that's driving all this, it's a sudden turn toward gross aggression by the Chinese government in its entire periphery. I mean, you take it all the way around the Indo-Pacific and its western borders; you're seeing things that you haven't seen before, and these are responding to that," said the official. India and China are locked in a nearly five-month-long border standoff in eastern Ladakh China is engaged in hotly contested territorial disputes in the South and East China Seas. Beijing has also made substantial progress in militarising its man-made islands in the past few years. Beijing claims sovereignty over all of the South China Sea. But Vietnam, Malaysia, the Philippines, Brunei and Taiwan have counterclaims. In the East China Sea, China has territorial disputes with Japan. The South China Sea and the East China Sea are stated to be rich in minerals, oil and other natural resources. They are also vital to global trade. Although the US lays no claims to the disputed waters, it has challenged China's growing territorial claims in the South China Sea by deploying warships and fighter jets to assert freedom of navigation and overflight patrols in the strategically vital region. Another US official said that the Chinese aggression certainly draws a big part of this. "But it's also about the different models that we stand for, democratic countries and an authoritarian model, and which ones will be sort of more successful in the long run. We obviously believe ours is the one to follow to ensure that countries can best deal with the problems that they face and the common challenges that we have," the official said. In Beijing there seems to be a race to get to certain goals, the official said. "They talk about their 2021 centenary goal, their 2035 goal, and their 2049 goal. They're accelerating. There's also been this unfortunately bashing of nationalism inside the People's Republic of China by the government, which then corners it to do things that it otherwise would have been able to back down from," the official said. A third official said that the problem also has to be framed correctly. "This isn't about a US-China dispute. This is about the free world versus Chinese authoritarianism. The secretary (Pompeo) speaks frequently about that, and that's the way he framed his discussions, and there was a lot of agreement around that table," he said. As a growing power, they need to understand that there are things that great powers do. They participate in arms talks when they have a nuclear capability with delivery systems. "These are all things that we've talked about they talk about, again, the US versus China," the official said. "It's everybody is saying if you're going to have these capabilities and if you're going to have this economic power - WTO, you should use it in ways that are acceptable to everybody and not exclusively for your benefit as part of a global system," the second official said. The Quad ministerial lasted for about three hours in Tokyo, during which the leaders discussed topics of mutual interest and concern. "There is no avoiding the fact that it's China and its actions in the region that make the Quad actually matter and function this time around," the official said. "When you think of the Quad, you think of security. But as the secretary said yesterday, security comes in many forms: economic security, protecting intellectual property rights. I mean, all things that we do, to include the traditional security, all figure into this," the first official said. SEE ALSO: <a href="https://www.businessinsider.in/tech/news/malware-infiltrates-the-defenses-of-common-antivirus-softwares-like-mcafee-kaspersky-symantec-and-others/articleshow/78515377.cms">Malware infiltrates the defenses of common antivirus softwares like McAfee, Kaspersky, Symantec and others</a> <a href="https://www.businessinsider.in/science/space/news/andrea-ghez-is-the-fourth-woman-to-win-the-nobel-prize-for-physics/articleshow/78514164.cms">Andrea Ghez is the fourth woman to win the Nobel Prize for Physics — found the first signs of the supermassive black hole at the center of the Milky Way</a> <a href="https://www.businessinsider.in/business/corporates/news/tcs-expected-to-post-higher-revenue-and-margins-led-by-a-streak-of-deal-wins-over-the-last-three-months/articleshow/78511834.cms">TCS expected to post higher revenue and margins led by a streak of deal wins over the last three months</a>

China's 'gross aggression' was a matter of concern at the latest QUAD meeting, says US official

<ul class="summary-list"><li><keyword id="11892748" type="UNKNOWN" weightage="60" keywordseo="china" source="Orion">China</keyword>'s aggressive foreign policy has turned off many of its neighbors.</li><li>US officials have noted this trend, describing it as a miscalculation by Beijing.</li><li>But experts say the US still doesn't have <keyword id="12054992" type="UNKNOWN" weightage="60" keywordseo="indo-pacific" source="Orion">Indo-Pacific</keyword> strategy or a better offer than China.</li></ul>China's aggressive foreign policy has frustrated its neighbors, but dismay with Beijing doesn't necessarily translate into an embrace of the US, and experts say the Biden administration has yet to articulate a clear strategy for the region and a better offer for countries there.China has had contentious relations with many of its neighbors for some time. Those fraught ties have deteriorated in recent months, as shown by violent border clashes with India, Beijing's increasing economic pressure on Australia over its support for inquiry into Covid-19, and Chinese <a href="https://www.insider.com/local-chinese-committee-shares-video-calling-nuclear-strikes-japan-2021-7" target="_blank" rel="noopener">threats</a> toward Japan over its engagement with Taiwan.Where governments have been more accommodating toward Beijing, public backlash is emerging or intensifying.In October, Cambodian police <a href="https://www.reuters.com/article/us-cambodia-protests/cambodia-breaks-up-protest-over-alleged-china-military-base-idUSKBN2780RP" target="_blank" rel="noopener">cracked down</a> on a protest against <a href="https://www.businessinsider.com/rapid-construction-at-cambodia-base-amid-concern-about-china-presence-2021-6" target="_blank" rel="noopener">a Chinese military presence there</a>. Anti-China sentiment is also <a href="https://blogs.lse.ac.uk/southasia/2020/02/04/populism-islam-and-development-why-pakistans-relationship-with-chinese-investment-is-nothing-but-simple/" target="_blank" rel="noopener">growing in Pakistan</a>, where recent deadly bombings have targeted Chinese interests. Filipinos <a href="https://supchina.com/2021/06/14/china-out-demonstrations-philippines-independence/" target="_blank" rel="noopener">continue</a> to protest China's conduct in the South China Sea and their government's conciliatory approach toward Beijing.Polling shows that many of China's neighbors see Beijing <a href="https://www.pewresearch.org/fact-tank/2019/12/05/people-around-the-globe-are-divided-in-their-opinions-of-china/" target="_blank" rel="noopener">unfavorably</a> and view its growing military as <a href="https://www.pewresearch.org/fact-tank/2017/10/16/how-people-in-asia-pacific-view-china/" target="_blank" rel="noopener">a threat</a>. A recent survey found that South Koreans viewed China <a href="https://www.nytimes.com/2021/08/20/world/asia/korea-china-election-young-voters.html" target="_blank" rel="noopener">less favorably</a> than they did Japan, a historical rival who forced Korean women to be sex slaves before and during World War II. A survey of Indians ages 18 to 35 found that China was <a href="https://www.orfonline.org/research/young-indians-distrust-china-pakistan-rate-pandemic-economy-as-big-challenges/" target="_blank" rel="noopener">the least-trusted</a> country.<div type="image" title="Philippines activists protest China" height="681" width="1024" msid="86045911" hostid="261"></div>US officials see those trends as signs of Chinese miscalculation."What we've seen of late, really, is China taking on many countries simultaneously," Kurt Campbell, the White House coordinator for the Indo-Pacific, said an <a href="https://asiasociety.org/video/conversation-kurt-campbell-white-house-coordinator-indo-pacific" target="_blank" rel="noopener">Asia Society event</a> in July.Campbell said that China's assertiveness with Taiwan, India, Japan, Australia, the US, and "wolf warrior" diplomacy ran counter to his assumption China wouldn't take on more than one foreign-policy challenge simultaneously."I see little yield and, if anything, a rising sense of nationalism and a sense of aggrievement and a determination to continue to prosecute a ... case internationally across the board," Campbell said.US Navy Rear Adm. Michael Studeman, chief intelligence officer for US Indo-Pacific Command, echoed Campbell at a separate event in July, saying that Chinese officials appear "tone deaf" to how their tactics "really are starting to turn off a lot of nations out there who don't like the look of a more powerful China and how it's acting.""Wolf warrior" diplomacy, conditions attached to COVID aid, and a general "demand for gratefulness" are "just a taste of what it looks like when China is strong and confident," Studeman added. "I think it's starting to scare a number of different nations."<h2>'Not being Trump is not good enough'</h2><div type="image" title="Secretary of Defense Lloyd Austin Philippine President Rodrigo Duterte" height="1333" width="2000" msid="86045915" hostid="261"></div>There is "bubbling resentment" in many places, according to Charles Dunst, an associate with Eurasia Group's Global Macro practice."People are definitely fearful of and frustrated with, I think, China's military aggressiveness and diplomatic aggressiveness," but that won't necessarily lead to an embrace of the US, Dunst told Insider in August."Most countries don't choose between China and the United States," Dunst said. "They're not turning around and saying, 'well, China bad, US good. We're all pro-America now.'"Dunst said that balancing is seen clearly in <keyword id="11906677" type="UNKNOWN" weightage="60" keywordseo="southeast-asia" source="Orion">Southeast Asia</keyword>, where feelings on China are mixed but increasing strategic competition is a top concern.In recent weeks, Defense Secretary Lloyd Austin and Vice President Kamala Harris have visited the region. Secretary of State Antony Blinken held virtual meetings with leaders there related to the Association of Southeast Asian Nations, or ASEAN, a highly regarded regional institution.The US leaders sought to <a href="https://www.state.gov/briefing-with-senior-state-department-officials-previewing-secretary-blinkens-participation-in-this-weeks-asean-related-ministerials/" target="_blank" rel="noopener">revitalize partnerships</a> and demonstrate US commitment to the region but stressed their visits weren't about taking sides."We are not asking countries in the region to choose between the United States and China," Austin <a href="https://www.defense.gov/Newsroom/Speeches/Speech/Article/2708192/secretary-of-defense-remarks-at-the-40th-international-institute-for-strategic/" target="_blank" rel="noopener">said</a> in <keyword id="11895291" type="UNKNOWN" weightage="60" keywordseo="singapore" source="Orion">Singapore</keyword> in late July. A month later, Harris <a href="https://www.whitehouse.gov/briefing-room/speeches-remarks/2021/08/24/remarks-by-vice-president-harris-on-the-indo-pacific-region/" target="_blank" rel="noopener">said</a> US "engagement in Southeast Asia and the Indo-Pacific is not against any one country, nor is it designed to make anyone choose between countries."<div type="image" title="Kamala Harris visiting USS Tulsa in Singapore" height="1315" width="2000" msid="86045917" hostid="261"></div>That engagement is largely welcomed and seen by some as overdue - "We need to step up our game in Southeast Asia," Campbell said in July - but even with <a href="https://www.defense.gov/Explore/News/Article/Article/2713638/philippine-president-restores-visiting-forces-agreement-with-us/" target="_blank" rel="noopener">progress</a> in some areas, including on security issues, experts saw Harris' "<a href="https://www.cnn.com/2021/08/03/politics/vice-president-kamala-harris-singapore-vietnam/index.html" target="_blank" rel="noopener">America is back</a>" message as off-key and US offerings as lacking."Not being Trump is not good enough," Van Jackson, a senior lecturer at Victoria University of Wellington in New Zealand, said on <a href="https://www.undiplomaticpodcast.com/episodes/96" target="_blank" rel="noopener">a recent podcast</a>. Jackson said that to counter China the US needs to "play to the needs" of ASEAN countries by addressing vaccination efforts, climate change, and "post-pandemic economic recovery."Biden "has yet to present a serious Indo-Pacific policy - or its most important element, an effective economic strategy," Susannah Patton and Ashley Townshend, experts at the University of Sydney's United States Studies Centre, <a href="https://foreignpolicy.com/2021/08/24/kamala-harris-singapore-vietnam-southeast-asia-trip-biden-indo-pacific-strategy/" target="_blank" rel="noopener">wrote</a> as Harris toured the region.Southeast Asian countries value economic cooperation and are alarmed by a potential "decoupling" of the US and China, according to James Crabtree, executive director of the <keyword id="6356001" type="UNKNOWN" weightage="60" keywordseo="international" source="Orion">International</keyword> Institute for Strategic Studies' Asia office.The US remains the region's most powerful military but is no longer its biggest economy and doesn't set the rules for trade, "so the US is in danger of having a rather unbalanced approach to this part of the world where it carries a big sword but doesn't have very much to offer in its wallet," Crabtree <a href="https://www.ft.com/content/3625ccdd-f586-41a0-be2d-2f1a65ff7007" target="_blank" rel="noopener">said in June</a>.Dunst <a href="https://www.worldpoliticsreview.com/articles/29844/leaders-in-the-global-south-try-to-ignore-rising-anti-chinese-sentiment" target="_blank" rel="noopener">has argued</a> that deeper engagement with China poses risks for many of these countries, but, he told Insider, Biden still needs to make them a better offer."If the US goal is to ... capitalize on this Chinese overstepping in much of the developing world, you have to have real, aggressive economic plans that actually are coming in response to what local populations need," Dunst said.

You Searched For "china aggression against india" and got 10 results

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