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In response to requests from multiple political parties, the <keyword id="19895782" type="General" weightage="20" keywordseo="election-commission" source="keywords">Election Commission</keyword> (EC) has decided to postpone upcoming by-elections in <keyword id="19894922" type="General" weightage="20" keywordseo="uttar-pradesh" source="keywords">Uttar Pradesh</keyword>, Kerala, and Punjab. Originally scheduled for November 13, the polls will now take place on November 20. This rescheduling aims to accommodate local festivities and boost voter turnout. The EC’s decision follows appeals from parties like the <keyword id="19895371" type="General" weightage="20" keywordseo="congress" source="keywords">Congress</keyword> (INC), Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), Bahujan Samaj Party (BSP), and <keyword id="19984283" type="General" weightage="20" keywordseo="rashtriya-lok-dal" source="keywords">Rashtriya Lok Dal</keyword> (RLD), which expressed concerns over potential low turnout due to regional celebrations during the original polling date. The Congress highlighted that in Kerala's 56-Palakkad Assembly Constituency, many residents will participate in the Kalpathi Ratholsavam festival, a major event set to run from November 13 to 15. Similarly, representatives from the BJP, BSP, and RLD raised concerns in Uttar Pradesh, where people begin travelling several days in advance for <keyword id="22124352" type="General" weightage="20" keywordseo="kartik-purnima" source="keywords">Kartik Purnima</keyword>, an important festival observed in the state. In Punjab, the Congress pointed out that celebrations for the 555th Prakash Parv of Sri Guru Nanak Dev Ji are scheduled for November 15, with religious observances starting on November 13. These festivals are expected to draw significant portions of the electorate, particularly in rural areas. The EC has previously demonstrated flexibility to prioritise voter participation by adjusting poll dates to avoid clashes with religious or cultural events. In recent years, polling dates were modified for various elections, including the <keyword id="23790298" type="General" weightage="20" keywordseo="punjab-state-elections" source="keywords">Punjab State Elections</keyword> 2022 during the Shri Guru Ravidas Jayanti, and the <keyword id="23790297" type="General" weightage="20" keywordseo="uttar-pradesh-assembly-elections" source="keywords">Uttar Pradesh Assembly Elections</keyword> 2012 for <keyword id="23790296" type="General" weightage="20" keywordseo="barawafat" source="keywords">Barawafat</keyword>. Similar changes were made in Manipur, Mizoram, and Rajasthan to respect community schedules and increase voter convenience. With this adjustment, one assembly constituency in Kerala, four in Punjab, and nine in Uttar Pradesh will now hold their by-polls on November 20, while the dates for vote counting and final poll completion remain set for November 23 and 25, respectively. (With inputs from agencies)

By-polls in Uttar Pradesh, Kerala, and Punjab rescheduled due to clash with religious festivals — check new dates here

Aligarh (<keyword id="19894922" type="General" weightage="20" keywordseo="Uttar-Pradesh" source="keywords">Uttar Pradesh</keyword>) [India], April 9 (ANI): Every election season ushers in a slew of party symbols that range from the mundane to the outlandish. The Lok Sabha elections 2024 are no different. <keyword id="19941423" type="General" weightage="20" keywordseo="Independent-candidate" source="keywords">Independent candidate</keyword> from Aligarh in Uttar Pradesh, <keyword id="21244546" type="General" weightage="20" keywordseo="Pandit-Keshav-Dev" source="keywords">Pandit Keshav Dev</keyword>, decided to make the most of what the <keyword id="19895782" type="General" weightage="20" keywordseo="Election-Commission" source="keywords" meta.keywordsubtype="org" meta.entityname="Election Commission" meta.hostid="261" meta.entityid="Election Commission">Election Commission</keyword> has allotted to him as the poll symbol- a pair of slippers. Aiming to build recall of people, Dev was seen sporting a garland of 7 slippers around his neck during his campaign. Lok Sabha polls will be held in seven phases beginning April 19. Uttar Pradesh, which sends the maximum number of MPs, 80, to Parliament, will vote in all seven phases. Voting for phases one and two will be held on April 19 and April 26. Next, the state will once again poll in phases three and four on May 7 and May 13. The Uttar Pradesh electorate will also vote in phases five, six and seven on May 20, May 23 and June 1 respectively. Aligarh will go for polls in the second phase on April 26. The counting of votes will take place on June 4. In the 2019 Lok Sabha elections, BJP candidate Satish Kumar Gautam won from the Aligarh garnering 656215 votes. BJP defeated BSP Dr. Ajeet Baliyan who got 426954 votes. In the 2014 Lok Sabha elections, the BJP won 71 seats with a 42.6 per cent vote share, while Congress settled for only 2 seats with 7.5 per cent of votes. (ANI)

A pair of slippers - the most unique poll symbol of an independent from Aligarh

<keyword id="19894922" type="General" weightage="20" keywordseo="Uttar-Pradesh" source="keywords">Uttar Pradesh</keyword> has strong and established women leaders but, ironically, the majority of this '<keyword id="19911646" type="General" weightage="20" keywordseo="Nari-Shakti" source="keywords">Nari Shakti</keyword>' does not belong to this state. Barring a few, most of the women leaders have come from other states and after contesting several elections, they have consolidated their position in Uttar Pradesh. Senior Congress leader <keyword id="19935990" type="General" weightage="20" keywordseo="Sonia-Gandhi" source="keywords">Sonia Gandhi</keyword> leads the brigade of political talent imported from outside Uttar Pradesh. A native of Italy who was living in New Delhi with her in-laws, the Gandhi bahu made her political debut from Amethi in 1999 and then contested and won the Rae Bareli seat from 2004 to 2019. Sonia Gandhi began campaigning in Amethi from 1984 when her husband Rajiv Gandhi made his political debut. When Sonia Gandhi finally took a plunge in politics after the former Prime Minister's demise, she chose the family turf, Amethi. The former Congress President was at one time seen as a prime ministerial candidate, though she never claimed the position. Another woman politician who was seen as a prospective prime ministerial candidate is BSP supremo, <keyword id="19897516" type="General" weightage="20" keywordseo="Mayawati" source="keywords">Mayawati</keyword>. Mayawati was born in Delhi but her political 'karambhoomi' became Uttar Pradesh when the first SP-BSP government came into existence in 1993 in the state. Circumstances propelled Mayawati into the Uttar Pradesh chief minister's chair in 1995 and over the years, she has emerged as a politician who cannot be ignored. Actor-turned-politician, <keyword id="19968072" type="General" weightage="20" keywordseo="Hema-Malini" source="keywords">Hema Malini</keyword>, who is seeking her third term from Mathura, belongs to Tamil Nadu and has spent most of her life in Mumbai. She contested and won the 2014 and 2019 elections from Mathura. Hema Malini calls herself 'Krishna ki gopi' and claims to have a divine connect with Mathura. Among others in this list is Smriti Irani, who is seeking her second term from Amethi and originally belongs to Delhi. However, after winning Amethi in 2019, she calls herself 'Amethi ki bitiya'. She has even built her home in Gauriganj in Amethi and is well versed with local politics and the local people. Maneka Gandhi, who originally belongs to Delhi, is the senior-most MP among these women, having won her first election in 1989 on a Janata Dal ticket. She later joined the BJP and has always chosen Uttar Pradesh to contest elections - first Pilibhit and then Sultanpur. Jaya Prada, another actor-turned-politician, was born in Rajahmundry, Andhra Pradesh but chose Uttar Pradesh to kickstart her political career even though she had earlier joined the TDP. Jaya Prada successfully contested the Rampur Lok Sabha seat in 2004 and 2009 elections on a Samajwadi Party ticket. Later, she joined the BJP in 2019. Dimple Yadav, senior SP leader and wife of Akhilesh Yadav, originally belongs to Uttarakhand but made Uttar Pradesh her home after her marriage to Akhilesh. Dimple Yadav began her career by losing a bypoll to Raj Babbar of the Congress from Firozabad in 2009 but won the Kannauj seat in a 2012 bye-election. She won the Kannauj seat in 2014 but lost in 2019. However, Dimple Yadav won the Mainpuri bye-election after the demise of Mulayam Singh Yadav in 2022. Among all these women leaders, it is only Union Minister Anupriya Patel of Apna Dal (S) who was born and brought up in Kanpur in Uttar Pradesh. Interestingly, even in the past, several women leaders who made a mark in Indian politics were born outside Uttar Pradesh but chose to contest polls from the state. Former Lok Sabha Speaker, Meira Kumar, made her debut in politics when she won a bye-election from Bijnor in 1985. Meira Kumar, who is the daughter of late veteran politician Jagjivan Ram, was born in Bihar. Former Delhi Chief Minister, late Sheila Dikshit, won her first election from Kannauj in 1984. She was born in Kapurthala in Punjab. Freedom fighter Sucheta Kripalani, the first woman Chief Minister in India, who headed the Uttar Pradesh government, also belonged to Punjab but won the Assembly polls from Mehdawal in Sant Kabir Nagar. --IANS amita/rad

Uttar Pradesh's political 'Nari Shakti' does not belong to it

The tallies for each constituency are in, and the arithmetic for the next government is being worked out. If the Narendra Modi-led Bharatiya Janata Party (<keyword id="19894848" type="General" weightage="20" keywordseo="BJP" source="keywords">BJP</keyword>) manages to hold onto their alliances, the stage will be set for Modi 3.0. However, if the Congress-led INDIA bloc somehow lures major parties like JD(U) and TDP, they might have a chance, though it is a long shot at the moment. However, with the results out for all 543 constituencies, much has been revealed about the general attitude of the country’s voters. For instance, despite the almost-unshakable belief that the BJP will sweep almost all 80 <keyword id="19894922" type="General" weightage="20" keywordseo="Uttar-Pradesh" source="keywords">Uttar Pradesh</keyword> seats — especially after the Ram Mandir inauguration — the party shockingly only managed to win only 33. Some experts speculate that this outcome came from the party failing to address core issues such as employment and economic anxiety, and instead choosing to focus on religious divide to win ballots. Expert institutions, such as Bernstein and Citi Research, have now noted that new spendings may now thus become focused on the poor, women, farmers and rural areas, especially considering how rapidly BJP’s <a href="https://bfsi.economictimes.indiatimes.com/news/industry/bias-of-markets-expected-rural-agriculture-to-be-the-new-focus-areas-reports/110728041">vote share has dropped in the rural seats</a>. For context, rural constituencies make up 60% of the total constituencies in India, according to The Economic Times. However, this is not to say that the party has clear favourites among the more developed and richer states either. Many of the richest Indian states have expressed mixed to lukewarm reactions towards BJP this election cycle, and even delivered unexpected shockers. For instance, the NDA lost a lot of ground in Uttar Pradesh, <keyword id="19897316" type="General" weightage="20" keywordseo="Maharashtra" source="keywords">Maharashtra</keyword> and Rajasthan — some states with the biggest economies in the country. As for the current scenario, the party favourite remains mixed. Considering that the country has delayed the National Survey by four years, we have to rely on independent sources to come up with more current state-wide economic statistics. Therefore, as per the India Ratings and Research (Ind-Ra), <keyword id="19896017" type="General" weightage="20" keywordseo="Karnataka" source="keywords">Karnataka</keyword>, Uttar Pradesh, Maharashtra, Tamil Nadu and Gujarat formed the five largest state economies in India in the 2023 Financial Year. Let’s take a look at how India’s wealthiest states voted in <keyword id="20886626" type="General" weightage="20" keywordseo="Lok-Sabha-2024" source="keywords">Lok Sabha 2024</keyword>. <cmsannotation type="cmsannotation" annotationid="Karnataka" comment="subhead" text="Karnataka">Karnataka</cmsannotation> Despite struggles with making headway in the South, the BJP had made a clean sweep in Karnataka, bagging 25 seats in the 2019 general elections. While the BJP-JD(S) alliance has managed to retain a majority in the southern state with 17 seats, <keyword id="19895371" type="General" weightage="20" keywordseo="Congress" source="keywords" meta.keywordsubtype="org" meta.entityname="Congress" meta.hostid="261" meta.entityid="Congress">Congress</keyword> made an impressive comeback this year, winning 9 seats compared to the 1 in the last election cycle. JD(S) managed to capture the remaining two seats. As for the four Bengaluru constituencies, BJP managed to cling onto all of them as well, with Tejasvi Surya in Bengaluru South, Shobha Karandlaje in Bengaluru North, P. C. Mohan in Bengaluru Central and C. N. Manjunath in Bengaluru Rural. <cmsannotation type="cmsannotation" annotationid="Uttar Pradesh" comment="subhead" text="Uttar Pradesh">Uttar Pradesh</cmsannotation> As mentioned earlier, the biggest controversies came out of Uttar Pradesh. Housing prominent figures such as Chief Minister Yogi Adityanath, the state has been widely considered as a stronghold for the saffron party, who had won a whopping 62 seats in 2019. However, resident voters were determined to take to the booths to voice their dissent this year. Of the 80 UP constituencies — by far the state with the largest number of seats — 37 were won by the Samajwadi Party. Meanwhile, the BJP held onto 33 seats, and the INC 6. The difference is stark: BJP lost 27 of the seats it won in the previous election cycle. Many prominent figures were dethroned this year, including Smriti Irani in Amethi, Union Minister Ajay Kumar Mishra in Kheri and Maneka Gandhi in Sultanpur. However, perhaps the biggest shocker came from the fact that the BJP also lost the Faizabad Lok Sabha seat, which housed the contentious Ram Temple. Awadesh Prasad of the Samajwadi Party will be chairing the constituency for the next five years. Prime Minister Narendra Modi, too, contested for the Varanasi seat, beating INC’s Ajay Rai by a margin of 2.5 lakh votes. <cmsannotation type="cmsannotation" annotationid="Maharashtra" comment="subhead" text="Maharashtra">Maharashtra</cmsannotation> Another of the biggest losses for the BJP also saw a resurgence for Congress in the state with the highest <keyword id="35050" type="General" weightage="20" keywordseo="gdp" source="Orion">GDP</keyword>. While the NDA had clinched 41 out of the 48 seats in the previous 2019 elections, it managed to bag a paltry 9 this time around. While this is a monumental loss for the ruling party, they managed to hold firmly onto most of the coastal Konkan belt. Headed by the Mahayuti alliance, the BJP won 7 of the 12 coastal seats, including in Palghar, Ratnagiri-Sindhudurg and Mumbai North. Meanwhile, the Shiv Sena (UBT) maintained its hold on half of the six Mumbai constituencies. Of the four Mumbai Metropolitan Region (MMR) seats, NCP (SP) won Bhiwandi, Shinde-led Shiv Sena won Thane and Kalyan and BJP won Palghar. <cmsannotation type="cmsannotation" annotationid="Tamil Nadu" comment="subhead" text="Tamil Nadu">Tamil Nadu</cmsannotation> Of all the economic powerhouses, Tamil Nadu was the only state untouched by the BJP this year. Out of the 39 seats in the state, the MK Stalin-led Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam (DMK) came out victorious in 22, the INC won 9, while a coalition of other parties bagged the remaining seats. This was a massive win for the DMK, especially considering the two major opposition parties, the AIADMK and BJP, had come together to contest this year. Considered by many as BJP's most promising candidate, K Annamalai, too lost to DMK’s Ganapathi P Rajkumar in Coimbatore. <cmsannotation type="cmsannotation" annotationid="Gujarat" comment="subhead" text="Gujarat">Gujarat</cmsannotation> While most of the other states endured major plot-twists, the story has remained almost the same for Narendra Modi’s home state, Gujarat. As per final polls, the BJP won 25 of the total 26 seats in the state, falling short of a full clean sweep due to INC clutching the final one. However, the INC win in the Banaskantha Lok Sabha seat was no small victory, considering this was the first time in a decade that the party had made ground in the western state. Meanwhile, Home Minister Amit Shah contested and won from state capital Gandhinagar by a massive margin of nearly 7.5 lakh votes.

Lok Sabha 2024: How BJP, Congress and other parties have performed in states with largest economies in India

India’s political landscape is increasingly being defined by the troubling nexus between crime and politics. A study has highlighted a startling correlation: the election of politicians with criminal records is directly linked to a rise in crime across the country, particularly in states with weaker institutional frameworks. As India's political system continues to grapple with this issue, the societal consequences are becoming clear. <h2>A history of <keyword id="23341122" type="General" weightage="100" keywordseo="criminal-politicians" source="keywords">criminal politicians</keyword></h2><keyword id="21026899" type="General" weightage="20" keywordseo="Pappu-Yadav" source="keywords">Pappu Yadav</keyword>, a veteran politician from Bihar, serves as a prime example of this disturbing trend. Having represented his constituency for nearly 25 years, Yadav has faced 41 criminal cases, including serious accusations of murder and kidnapping. Despite his conviction in 2008, Yadav was acquitted in 2013, and he continues to hold political influence. His case is not unique; the political scene in states like Bihar, Uttar Pradesh, and Madhya Pradesh is littered with politicians facing multiple criminal charges. Anant Singh, another prominent figure from Bihar, holds a political career shadowed by 38 criminal cases, including murder, kidnapping, and attempts to murder. These individuals represent a broader pattern where politicians accused of serious crimes continue to serve in public office despite their criminal backgrounds. "They are getting elected, and over time the number has only been going up," remarks lead author Nishith Prakash. "In some states, it could be as high as almost 40% of people who are representing the state have some kind of a criminal accusation." <h2>Crime begets crime</h2>The research delves into the ramifications of electing criminally accused politicians. The study found that states with a higher number of such politicians also experienced increased <keyword id="22044507" type="General" weightage="20" keywordseo="crime-rates" source="keywords">crime rates</keyword>. For example, states like Bihar, Madhya Pradesh, Rajasthan, Odisha, and Uttar Pradesh, known for their historically weak institutions, have seen crime rise by 4.3% annually with the election of criminal politicians. The number increases to 5.8% when the politicians are accused of serious crimes like murder and kidnapping. <div type="Article" hostid="261" msid="113692670" title="What will it take for Kangana Ranaut’s &amp;#39;Emergency&amp;#39; to finally hit theatres?" mstype="2" mssubtype="0"></div>Prakash notes that weak rule of law and institutional failure create fertile ground for such politicians to not only rise to power but also exacerbate the deteriorating law-and-order situation. When politicians themselves are involved in criminal activities, they often manipulate legal and administrative systems, further weakening law enforcement and emboldening criminal networks. The reign of <keyword id="20122630" type="General" weightage="20" keywordseo="lalu-prasad-yadav" source="keywords">Lalu Prasad Yadav</keyword>, president of the Rashtriya Janata Dal political party in Bihar, illustrates the adverse impact criminal politicians can have. Under his leadership, Bihar’s political environment devolved into what is now infamously known as "Jungle Raj," a period marked by rampant kidnappings for ransom, particularly targeting affluent individuals like doctors and schoolchildren. The researchers note that during this time, the kidnapping industry flourished as criminals enjoyed either direct or indirect support from the state. <h2><keyword id="22404298" type="General" weightage="20" keywordseo="impact-on-women" source="keywords">Impact on women</keyword> and <keyword id="19900794" type="General" weightage="20" keywordseo="economic-growth" source="keywords">economic growth</keyword></h2>Beyond the immediate rise in general crime rates, the study revealed alarming statistics regarding crimes against women. Electing criminally accused politicians was found to increase crimes against women by 12.6%. In states where such politicians held office, female labour force participation dropped by 10-11%, as women felt unsafe and chose not to engage in work outside their homes. The research also highlighted the economic toll criminal politicians take on their constituencies. Areas represented by politicians accused of serious crimes saw economic growth lag between 2.3% and 6.5% per year compared to other regions. These leaders often misappropriate public funds, divert resources for personal gain, and enable criminal enterprises, all of which stifle local development. <h2>Legal measures taken</h2>India has made strides in identifying and tracking criminally accused politicians. A landmark 2003 ruling by the <keyword id="19895345" type="General" weightage="20" keywordseo="Supreme-Court" source="keywords" meta.keywordsubtype="org" meta.entityname="Supreme Court" meta.hostid="261" meta.entityid="Supreme Court">Supreme Court</keyword> mandated that candidates for political office must disclose their criminal records, making it easier for voters and institutions to scrutinise their backgrounds. However, the law only disqualifies convicted individuals from running for office, allowing accused politicians to continue their political careers while facing serious charges. <div type="Article" hostid="261" msid="113446721" title="It&amp;#39;s not just the rhetoric — apathy and jokes could be fueling a spiral of retaliatory political violence, expert warns" mstype="2" mssubtype="0"></div>The research conducted by Prakash and his team has caught the attention of Indian courts and the Election Commission. While reform is slow, there is growing recognition that the quality of political leadership has a profound impact on societal outcomes, from crime rates to economic performance. "The quality of politicians matters," Prakash notes. "Who you elect has implications on outcomes that we care about. It could be economic growth, it could be crime against women, it could be labour force participation. These are very important outcomes for society and the economy." The findings of this research have been published in Journal of Law Economics and Organization and can be accessed <a href="https://docs.iza.org/dp15259.pdf">here</a>.

Not only does electing “criminal” politicians often lead to an increase in crime in India, it can also be terrible for the economy: study

New Delhi, The government on Wednesday announced hiking the <keyword id="20069652" type="General" weightage="20" keywordseo="sugarcane" source="keywords">sugarcane</keyword> <keyword id="20544473" type="General" weightage="20" keywordseo="frp" source="keywords">FRP</keyword> by Rs 25 to Rs 340 per quintal for the 2024-25 season starting October. Fair and Remunerative Price (FRP) is the minimum price that mills have to pay to sugarcane growers. The decision to increase the FRP of sugarcane was taken at the meeting of the Cabinet Committee on Economic Affairs (CCEA), chaired by Prime Minister <keyword id="19895781" type="General" weightage="20" keywordseo="narendra-modi" source="keywords">Narendra Modi</keyword>. The Rs 25 per quintal hike is the highest by the Modi government and the move comes ahead of the general elections. Sugarcane is grown mainly in Maharashtra, <keyword id="19894922" type="General" weightage="20" keywordseo="uttar-pradesh" source="keywords">Uttar Pradesh</keyword>, and Karnataka. "Keeping in view interest of sugarcane farmers (GannaKisan), the Cabinet Committee on Economic Affairs has approved Fair and Remunerative Price (FRP) of sugarcane for sugar season 2024-25 (October - September) at Rs 340 per quintal for a basic recovery rate of 10.25 per cent," I&amp;B Minister <keyword id="19895497" type="General" weightage="20" keywordseo="anurag-thakur" source="keywords">Anurag Thakur</keyword> said at a media briefing. The FRP has been determined on the basis of recommendations of the Commission for Agricultural Costs and Prices (CACP) and after consultation with state governments and other stakeholders.

You Searched For "Uttar Pradesh Womens Commission" and got 6 results

By-polls in Uttar Pradesh, Kerala, and Punjab rescheduled due to clash with religious festivals — check new dates here

BI India Bureau

A pair of slippers - the most unique poll symbol of an independent from Aligarh

ANI

Uttar Pradesh's political 'Nari Shakti' does not belong to it

IANS

Lok Sabha 2024: How BJP, Congress and other parties have performed in states with largest economies in India

Ankush Banerjee

Not only does electing “criminal” politicians often lead to an increase in crime in India, it can also be terrible for the economy: study

Ankush Banerjee

Cabinet approves hike in sugarcane FRP by ₹25 to ₹340 per quintal for 2024-25 season

PTI

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