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As the final five phases of polls draw closer, rift among <keyword id="20101713" type="General" weightage="20" keywordseo="INDIA-bloc-partners" source="keywords">INDIA bloc partners</keyword>, <keyword id="21533469" type="General" weightage="20" keywordseo="Congress-Left-combine" source="keywords">Congress-Left combine</keyword> and the <keyword id="19942089" type="General" weightage="20" keywordseo="TMC" source="keywords" meta.keywordsubtype="org" meta.entityname="TMC" meta.hostid="153" meta.entityid="TMC">TMC</keyword>, which are fighting separately has intensified, triggering a fierce contest across half of the remaining 36 constituencies in West Bengal driven by local issues such as <keyword id="20074422" type="General" weightage="20" keywordseo="Sandeshkhali" source="keywords">Sandeshkhali</keyword> and the SSC scam. TMC's decision to contest independently in the state, rather than as part of the bloc, has led to a three-way contest, with the other contenders being the BJP and the Congress-Left alliance. Nevertheless, both TMC and Congress have asserted that they are part of the INDIA bloc at the national level and are authentic representatives of the opposition front in Bengal. Political analysts suggest that without a dominant national narrative like national security after the 2019 Pulwama attacks, local concerns such as corruption allegations, the cancellation of School Service Commission (SSC) jobs, incidents in Sandeshkhali and implementation of the <keyword id="19965573" type="General" weightage="20" keywordseo="Citizenship-Amendment-Act" source="keywords">Citizenship Amendment Act</keyword> (CAA) are altering election dynamics. Maidul Islam, a political scientist at the Centre for Studies in Social Sciences, remarked, "Till a few months ago, it seemed the elections in Bengal will be a bipolar contest between the TMC and BJP. But with issues like corruption and Sandeshkhali gaining prominence, the Left-Congress alliance is fast gaining traction in several seats and turning the polls into a three-cornered contest in at least 18-20 LS segments." He said besides the two and three seats in Malda and Murshidabad districts, where TMC and Congress secured two each and the BJP one in 2019, there are 13 seats spread across South Bengal, where the TMC and the Left-Congress alliance are engaging in intense competition. "It's not that the Left-Congress will win many seats, but in segments where their vote share is above 10 per cent, there is a likelihood that they might influence the outcome, to the disadvantage of either the TMC or the BJP, if they manage to secure two per cent more votes," Islam added. According to sources in TMC and CPI(M), the electoral battleground extends beyond Malda and Murshidabad, encompassing Lok Sabha segments like Dum Dum, Srerampore, Arambagh, Hooghly, Howrah, Barrackpore, Bardhaman-Purba, Bardhaman-Durgapur, Bankura, Purulia, Tamluk, Kolkata North, and Jadavpur, all poised for a three-cornered fight. Notably, eight of these seats were won by TMC and the remaining by BJP in the 2019 parliamentary polls. "The shift in dynamics presents the Congress-Left alliance as a significant player, and its emergence complicates the electoral narrative, transcending the conventional TMC versus BJP dichotomy," political analyst Subhomoy Moitra said. While the Left Front is contesting 30 seats, the Congress has fielded candidates in 12 out of 42 seats. "We wanted an alliance with the Congress, but they were delaying the seat-sharing arrangements, so we decided to go alone. Now the Left-Congress alliance is helping the BJP by trying to eat into our votes," remarked TMC leader Santanu Sen. According to TMC leaders, the breakup of INDIA alliance in Bengal has both electoral advantages and disadvantages. "After the Left and Congress alliance fell apart in West Bengal in 2019, it had led to a four-cornered contest with BJP bagging the entire chunk of the anti-TMC votes in the state," they said. In the 2019 Lok Sabha elections, the BJP bagged 18 seats and its vote share rose from 17 to 40 per cent. Meanwhile, despite a 3 per cent rise in vote share, the TMC lost 12 seats, dropping from 34 to 22. The Left drew a blank with a vote share decline from 24 per cent to 6 per cent, and the Congress lost two seats, shrinking its vote share from 9.5 per cent to 5 per cent and bagging just two seats. "Local issues such as corruption and SSC scam are helping the Left-Congress in the state as there is anger among a section of people against the TMC and also against the BJP over the perception of a tacit understanding," a TMC leader said. Analysts observe that <keyword id="43868" type="General" weightage="100" keywordseo="mamata-banerjee" source="Orion">Mamata Banerjee</keyword>'s intensified criticism of Left and Congress, accusing them of aiding BJP, and the ensuing sharp responses from CPI(M) and Congress, alleging a secret pact between TMC and BJP, as indicative of the growing significance of Left-Congress alliance. Data from various local elections and by-polls conducted after 2021 assembly elections indicate a shift in anti-TMC votes as there has been a resurgence of Left-Congress combine. Incidentally, the BJP had witnessed a decline in its vote share as compared to the 2019 Lok Sabha and 38 per cent in 2021 assembly polls. In 2023, violence scarred panchayat polls which covered nearly 70 per cent of the state's electorate, the TMC had bagged 51 per cent of votes whereas the BJP had bagged 22 per cent. The Left-Congress-ISF alliance had, however, bagged 23 per cent votes. The ISF this time, however, has decided to contest alone in 17 seats. Congress leader Suvankar Sarkar emphasized, "People are disenchanted with the TMC and the BJP, as they are both sides of the same coin. People are coming out in large numbers to support the Left-Congress candidates." CPI(M) leader Sujan Chakraborty expressed confidence in the Left-Congress alliance's potential to deliver surprising results in the elections, claiming initial success in breaking bipolar politics in Bengal. BJP state president Sukanta Majumdar downplayed the significance of the rift in opposition alliance and the three-cornered fight in various seats. "People know that BJP is only fighting TMC's misrule in Bengal. Those who want to vote against TMC, will vote for us only just like in the 2019 and 2021 polls," he said. Political scientist Biswanath Chakraborty suggested that TMC stands to gain the most from the three-cornered contest. In minority pockets, the Left-Congress alliance could dent TMC's vote base, potentially aiding BJP's prospects, he noted.

West Bengal Elections: Rift among INDIA bloc partners triggers three-cornered intense contests

Kolkata, <keyword id="42606" type="General" weightage="20" keywordseo="tea-production" source="Orion">Tea production</keyword> in the country has dipped by 6.18 per cent to 127.12 million kilograms in November 2023. According to <keyword id="20037006" type="General" weightage="80" keywordseo="tea-board" source="keywords">Tea Board</keyword> data, the production in the year-ago month was 135.49 million kgs. In North India, primarily comprising Assam and <keyword id="19896517" type="General" weightage="20" keywordseo="west-bengal" source="keywords">West Bengal</keyword>, the production volume was at 106.23 million kgs (mkgs), down from 114.18 mkgs in the same period previous year. The production figures in November 2023 in South India stood lower at 20.89 mkgs from 21.31 mkgs in the same month of 2022. Maintaining the trend, the production of small growers was higher than the organised gardens in the month under review. Small growers produced 67.50 mkgs in November 2023, Tea Board data said. Tea Board had issued notifications regarding plucking restrictions during the winter months in order to preserve the quality of bushes. For tea estates in Darjeeling and gardens located at higher elevations, the last date for plucking of green leaves was December 11, 2023. The same for North Bengal's Dooars and Terai regions was December 23.

Storm in a cup: India's tea production falls by 6.18% in November

New Delhi: <keyword id="22930355" type="General" weightage="20" keywordseo="Janmashtami-festivities" source="keywords">Janmashtami festivities</keyword> across the country led to a <keyword id="22930356" type="General" weightage="20" keywordseo="business-surge" source="keywords">business surge</keyword>, with transactions exceeding Rs 25,000 crore, according to the Confederation of All India Traders (<keyword id="20143308" type="General" weightage="20" keywordseo="CAIT" source="keywords">CAIT</keyword>). These figure highlight the robust consumer spending during the festival driven by the vibrant celebrations of <keyword id="20126824" type="General" weightage="20" keywordseo="janmashtami" source="keywords">Janmashtami</keyword>, marking one of the most commercially active periods of the year. CAIT's National General Secretary and Member of Parliament from Chandni Chowk, Praveen Khandelwal, stated that during this significant festival, large-scale sales were observed, particularly in flowers, fruits, sweets, deity costumes, decorative items, fasting sweets, milk, curd, butter, and dry fruits. Khandelwal said that festivals like Janmashtami are an important part of the Sanatan economy, which strengthens the nation's economy. CAIT's National President, BC Bhartia said that Janmashtami was celebrated with great enthusiasm across the country, especially in North and West India, where the festival was celebrated with much joy. <keyword id="20187217" type="General" weightage="20" keywordseo="Krishna-Janmashtami" source="keywords">Krishna Janmashtami</keyword> was celebrated on August 26 this year across the country. Devotees traditionally fast and decorate temples and homes with flowers, diyas, and lights. Temples were decorated attractively, and there were large crowds of people visiting them. He highlighted that the special attractions of the Janmashtami festival included digital tableaux, selfie points with Lord Krishna, and many other delightful scenes. In cities, there were numerous bhajans, religious dances, and discourses by saints and sages. Various social organizations also organized large-scale Janmashtami celebrations. According to scriptures, Janmashtami is celebrated on the eighth day of the dark fortnight of the month of Bhadrapada. It is the day Lord Krishna was born. Earlier this month, the CAIT anticipated a festive trade of over Rs 12,000 crore across the country during the Rakhi festival. In 2022, the business during the Rakhi festival stood at around Rs 7,000 crore, in 2021 it was Rs 6,000 crore, in 2020 it was Rs 5,000 crore, in 2019 it was Rs 3,500 crore, and in 2018 it was Rs 3,000 crore, as per Khandelwal. The trade body said that the markets are witnessing a massive rush for shopping, and people are very enthusiastic about the festival.

Janmashtami festivities drive business across India, sales exceed Rs 25,000 crore: CAIT

<ul class="summary-list"><li>America is discovering there are few good options for stopping the Houthis.</li><li>Modern anti-ship weapons are powerful yet simple enough that a militant group can operate them.</li></ul>When it comes to raw military power, the US and its allies should have no problem smashing the Houthis who are attacking cargo ships in the Red Sea.But as Houthi missiles continue to disrupt global shipping routes and supply chains, America is discovering there are few good options for stopping the Houthis. Repeated strikes by US and British forces — including <a target="_blank" href="https://abcnews.go.com/International/us-navy-sinks-3-houthi-boats-attacking-merchant/story?id=106016731">sinking several Houthi boats</a> — don't appear to be deterring the Houthis, a Shiite rebel group in war-ravaged Yemen, one of the poorest nations in the world.The Houthis aren't a major military power, but they don't need to be. They enjoy three advantages that magnify their ability to create havoc and make it difficult for the West to stop them.First, there's geography. Nature has decreed that the best shortcut for ships traveling between Europe or the US east coast to India and East Asia is the Suez Canal in Egypt, which connects the Mediterranean Sea and the Indian Ocean. That's why nations fought desperately to control the waterway in the First and Second World Wars. It's estimated that as much as <a target="_blank" href="https://www.reuters.com/world/middle-east/suez-disruption-new-inflation-risk-horizon-2023-12-19/">15% of world trade</a> and 20% to 30% of cargo arriving at US east-coast ports pass through the 120-mile-long Suez Canal.The canal has always been vulnerable, as evidenced when the giant container ship <a target="_blank" href="https://www.usatoday.com/in-depth/graphics/2021/03/26/how-evergreens-ship-got-stuck-in-the-suez-canal/7010375002/">Ever Given</a> ran aground in 2021, disrupting global commerce for weeks. But the problem today isn't the Suez Canal itself, but rather the menace that ships face passing through the Red Sea and the straits of <a target="_blank" href="https://affiliate.insider.com?h=f0c5e417c192cb9ac0958aabe8ce2445c8285099a2bb2f0004791c8e50b78721&amp;postID=65affe42d137673d8ca84d23&amp;postSlug=why-the-west-cant-stop-houthi-missile-attacks-on-ships-2024-1&amp;site=bi&amp;u=https%3A%2F%2Fwww.nationalgeographic.com%2Fhistory%2Farticle%2Fbab-al-mandan-red-sea-suez-shipping-crisis-houthis-gaza">Bab el Mandeb</a> ("gate of tears" in Arabic), bounded by Eritrea and Djibouti to the west, and Yemen to the east. Bab el Mandeb is just 70 miles long and 20 miles wide, within easy range of land-based anti-ship missiles, drones, and even howitzers firing extended-range shells. Unlike most highways, there are no bypasses if the straits are blocked.The second problem is technological. Modern anti-ship weapons are powerful yet simple enough that even a militant group can operate them (<a target="_blank" href="https://www.timesofisrael.com/new-hezbollah-footage-purports-to-show-2006-strike-on-israeli-navy-ship/">Hezbollah</a> used a Chinese-made C-802 cruise missile to damage an Israeli warship in 2006). Drones are cheap, and even a small drone can cause minor damage on a large ship.The Houthis have a polyglot array of <a target="_blank" href="https://www.iiss.org/online-analysis/military-balance/2024/01/houthi-anti-ship-missile-systems-getting-better-all-the-time/">ship-killer missiles</a>, mostly from Iran but with older Soviet and Chinese models, according to the International Institute for Strategic Studies. Anti-ship cruise missiles include the Soviet-era P-21 Termit and Chinese C-801 (with ranges up to 80 miles), as well as Iran's Ghadir (185 miles) and Quds Z-0 (reported to be up to 500 miles). The Houthis also have Iranian-made anti-ship ballistic missiles with a range of about 300 miles, as well as drones.These missiles are fired from mobile launchers that can rapidly change locations. They can fire a rocket and then scoot away before the US Navy can pinpoint the launch site and strike it with a Tomahawk cruise missile. The Houthis are familiar with these tactics from their 9-year war with the Saudi-led coalition that bombed them relentlessly.Geography compounds the technological threat. A ship's best defense isn't guns or jammers, but open space. Even a giant aircraft carrier is hard to spot in the vastness of the ocean, and an anti-ship missile's onboard radar can <a target="_blank" href="https://www.businessinsider.com/russia-putin-invincible-zircon-hypersonic-missile-speed-accuracy-limitations-2023-2">scan only a small area</a>.That's why the US and other nations invest so much effort in satellites, patrol planes, and sensors: to provide real-time tracking data to guide a missile close to a moving ship. But the Bab el Mandeb is only 20 miles wide, which means ships can be tracked by ground radar, small boats, small drones, or even a hilltop observer with a good pair of binoculars.The third problem is political. The Houthis claim they are only attacking Israeli ships out of solidarity with Gaza, though many of the ships have <a target="_blank" href="https://news.usni.org/2024/01/04/u-s-5th-fleet-co-houthi-strikes-not-just-targeting-israel-affiliated-ships">nothing to do with Israel</a>. The real reason seems to be Iran's attempt to use proxies to become the dominant power in the Persian Gulf and the Middle East. Though the Houthis aren't Iranian puppets, they do have a strong sponsor in nearby Iran and its hard-line Shiite government, and their confrontation with Israel is a popular stance with their population and across Arab states more generally. Tehran isn't just aiding the Houthis with weapons and money: Reports say Iranian ships are giving the Houthis <a target="_blank" href="https://www.jpost.com/middle-east/iran-news/article-779229">information on ship movements</a> in the Red Sea.Just as Soviet and Chinese aid propped up North Vietnam, Iranian support could sustain the Houthis indefinitely. Sanctions against the Houthis, such as the US's move to re-designate them a terror organization, are unlikely to be effective against a martyrdom-obsessed group that doesn't seem overly concerned that its own people are starving.This doesn't mean the Houthis are invincible. Perhaps enough Western attacks on their military and surveillance platforms — and even against their leaders — might make a difference (the US has already conducted numerous drone attacks against Al Qaeda in Yemen). An ongoing <a target="_blank" href="https://www.reuters.com/world/middle-east/yemens-warring-parties-commit-ceasefire-steps-un-special-envoy-2023-12-23/">peace deal</a> to end Yemen's civil war, which the UN estimates has led to 227,000 deaths, might sway behavior. Or, perhaps the Houthis will decide to focus on the needs of a country so <a target="_blank" href="https://borgenproject.org/5-facts-poverty-yemen/">poverty-stricken</a> that half the population survives on the equivalent of $2 a day.

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West Bengal Elections: Rift among INDIA bloc partners triggers three-cornered intense contests

PTI

Storm in a cup: India's tea production falls by 6.18% in November

PTI

Janmashtami festivities drive business across India, sales exceed Rs 25,000 crore: CAIT

ANI

Why the West can't stop the Houthi rebels' missile attacks on ships

Michael Peck

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