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Soon after assuming power in May this year, <keyword id="71" type="POSITION" weightage="20" keywordseo="Prime-Minister">Prime Minister</keyword> Narendra Modi and <keyword id="5263" type="POSITION" weightage="20" keywordseo="External-Affairs-Minister">External Affairs Minister</keyword> <keyword id="6355111" type="PERSON" weightage="20" keywordseo="Sushma-Swaraj">Sushma Swaraj</keyword> made a flurry of visits to neighbouring countries—while Modi visited Bhutan, Nepal and Japan; Sushma Swaraj made trips to Bangladesh, Myanmar, Vietnam and Afghanistan, in addition to Bhutan and Nepal. This was a clear deviation from historical precedence where predecessors typically hurried to the US and the UK before trying to shake hands with close neighbours. While Modi eventually made hugely successful visits to the US and Australia, the initial trips underlined the Modi-led regime’s ‘Asia first’ policy. 
 This has also given a new dimension the ‘look east’ policy, initiated by <keyword id="6358441" type="PERSON" weightage="20" keywordseo="Narasimha-Rao">Narasimha Rao</keyword> in early 90s. Look east aims at strengthening ties with Southeast Asian countries in a bid to counter the increasing regional influence of China—strategically, militarily and economically. Renewed ties between India and Japan, amid similar ones with other SE Asian neighbours, are of significant importance; considering the heightened military manoeuvering China has been initiating of late. 
 The one key aspect of Modi’s emerging <keyword id="44266" type="ORGANIZATION" weightage="20" keywordseo="Foreign-policy">foreign policy</keyword> approach is clear: re-establish close relationships with Asian neighbours to position India as a strong regional power, and leverage it to counter China’s burgeoning regional influence and economic/military acumen. 
 
In fact, during his Japan visit he took the ‘look east’ policy a step ahead, turning it into ‘act Asia’ policy (as Sushma Swaraj put it recently) by trying to convert rhetoric into actionable steps. Aggressively marketing the ‘Make in India’ campaign and signing pacts leading to Japanese investments worth $35 billion over a five-year period reflected Modi’s resolve to translate foreign visits. Such visits used to be mere photo opportunities for many of his predecessors, but Modi translated it into initiatives that will enhance bilateral trade and help grow the domestic economy. 
 This was evident in his just-concluded Australia visit where he finalised Comprehensive Economic Partnership Agreement, which is expected to boost trade between the two countries; and Civil Nuclear Cooperation Agreement which will enable uranium export from Australia and provide a much-needed leg-up to India's power-generation capacity. Modi clarion call at the <keyword id="51196" type="ORGANIZATION" weightage="20" keywordseo="G-20">G-20</keyword> meet at Brisbane for close cooperation in the fight against black money meant that trade talks are not entirely isolated from larger political issues back at home. 
 
The fact that economic and trade agenda is at the core of Modi’s foreign policy was also evident when his government initiated the visit of Chinese President Xi Jinping to India. It is seen as a strategic move to tilt the relation with the bigger Asian neighbour economic growth. 
While China is keen to leverage from India’s strength as a big market, India is looking for significant Chinese investments to build infrastructure critical to long-term economic growth. 
 
While Modi did not rush to the ‘big uncle’ US soon after assuming power, as many of his predecessors did, and despite the strained diplomatic relationship between India and US after the ill-treatment meted out to Indian diplomat Devyani Khobragade, Modi sent a clear message that India is serious about stronger engagement with the US. The decision to attract investment in India’s $250 billion defence sector, which will involve significant US partnership, underlined this. 
 
The fact that despite a tight schedule Modi found time to meet his Israeli counterpart Benjamin Netanyahu during his US visit reiterated the fact that Modi’s Middle East policy is going to be tilted towards Israel than the Arab countries. This also means that alliance with Israel in the field of defence, which grew significantly over the last two decades, is likely to be strengthened. Russia too is going to be a key ally in the field of defence besides space exploration and energy, including nuclear power. 
 
Will Modi mend or break the strained India-Pakistan relationship is another key question. While he shared some camaraderie with Pakistan Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif soon after assuming power, calling off secretary level talks over Pakistani envoy’s engagement with Kashmiri separatists means Modi can be unpredictable on this front. 
 
Adding Modi’s call for deeper people-to-people alliance among BRICS countries at the recent summit in Brazil, one begins to get a glimpse of the would-be foreign policy perspective of Modi. He is mostly going to stress on closer ties with the US (Obama will visit India in January), Israel and Asian countries such as Japan and Russia(Putin will visit India next month), while positioning India as a counter-force to China and being cautious about how to go about dealing with Pakistan.

A Peek Into Modi’s Emerging Foreign Policy Perspective

Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s decision to accept the US President Barack Obama’s invitation for bilateral talks during the United Nations’ General Assembly is an opportunity to reset the Indo-US relations. 
 
Modi’s move shows he is willing to let bygones be bygones and will not let the decade-long visa ban come in the way of India’s foreign relations. It also shows that both countries can now focus on trade and bilateral ties, moving on from the bitterness generated due to the Devyani Khobragade episode. 
 
In spite of the nuclear deal and the talk of ‘strategic partnership’ during the rule of the former UPA government, Indo-US ties have failed to live up to the high expectations. However, Modi’s business-friendly image and his agenda of economic reforms may go a long way in boosting trade and investment. India’s economic revival needs big-ticket US investment. 
 
The US, too, needs to take India on board for its South Asia policy. The withdrawal of the US forces from Afghanistan will create a security vacuum that would be of great concern to India. Therefore, both countries need to put their heads together to formulate a comprehensive security strategy for the region.

Modi-Obama Meet: An Opportunity To Reset Indo-US Ties

Celebrating the day of Indian constitution was hardly this colourful in the recent past. The high-profile visit of American President who is due to visit India soon is being interpreted in many different ways. While one thing stands sure that this isn’t the best of rabbits out of Modi’s hat yet, with many more to come during his next few years as Prime Minister of India. What does it mean, though, for Obama? 
 
The American president has less than two years left in his office. But, that’s not the whole point here. The visit would be crucial for both countries which are on the threshold of mega changes in their socio-economic scenario. They are creating an atmosphere of bonhomie during times when both leaders need a bigger stage to set up their best performance yet. 
 
While this makes Obama the lone American President who visited India twice during his term in office, it also marks a huge change in trajectory for Prime Minister Modi – from being a persona non-grata to someone who could pull all those strings that matter now. 
 
With most third world countries stuttering, the world is certainly looking at choices to invest some good faith in, other than China. As much as Silicon Valley is thrilled at the prospects of Indo-American relationship getting stronger; the ecommerce giants in India who are making huge strides are equally excited. 
 
Politically it makes sense for both India and America to break some taboos and show off the fresh burst of energy and momentum that both countries are brimming with, in company of each other. 
 
Obama’s trip to India will be loaded heavy with symbolism. Metaphors will be the decorative of the season. Since Obama would still be around in office for a significant amount of time after he returns from his India visit, this would also mean much stronger relationship that would thrive between India and America. 
 
It’s becoming more and more evident that China wants to move from the image of ‘manufacturing backyard of the world’ to something better. The nation wants to wield better negotiating powers when in dialogue with America. Both China and America would want India on their side when the situation arises. Obviously enough, Modi has known this all along and would rather go with the stronger ally little distance away than a weaker neighbour who may turn out to be a bit of a challenge for the future. 
 
Given that China has been rampaging in the South China Sea and East China Sea building stronger defense systems, US will certainly need allies who are closer to China geographically. India, Australia and perhaps Vietnam too serve the purpose. Hence, the invitation by Modi would have looked like a wonderful opportunity for both countries to create some fidgety moments for nations in question. 
 
In the recent developments where India reacted rather strongly post-Devyani Khobragade episode calling the diplomatic machinery to respond in a manner that was never seen before, India seems to have understood the significance of mending those broken ends. For America, stronger relationship with India would mean India would be its ally in clear terms even after Vladimir Putin’s visit. 
 Among the few things that would worry India before Obama comes visiting are not issues of political importance. They would be the tip off by foreign intelligence agencies that Islamist separatist groups may probably strike India during Obama visit. Now, piecing together this coded information is something that Indian intelligence agencies will have to take up without losing time, especially in the wake of that ghastly incident of <keyword id="16945" type="ORGANIZATION" weightage="60" keywordseo="Taliban">Taliban</keyword> attack killing 141 people in <keyword id="42462" type="CITY" weightage="60" keywordseo="Peshawar">Peshawar</keyword>, with majority of them being children.

Hope Or Grimace: Obama Visiting India In January

<div class="KonaFilter image-container display-table float_right"><div><div class="image">REUTERS/Amit Dave Gujarat's chief minister Narendra Modi speaks during the "Vibrant Gujarat Summit" at Gandhinagar in the western Indian state of Gujarat January 12, 2013. Fresh off his re-election as chief minister of Gujarat and amid expectations he could contend to be the next prime minister, Modi avoided talk of a bigger political future during a state investment event. </div></div></div>WASHINGTON (AP) - Indian elections results due Friday provide a chance to repair relations with the U.S. that were strained by the arrest of an Indian diplomat in New York in December. But there's a big catch: Washington's uneasy relationship with the man expected to become India's next prime minister.
Hindu nationalist leader Narendra Modi was denied a U.S. visa in 2005 for alleged complicity in religious riots in 2002 that killed more than 1,000 Muslims. Exit polls show his Bharatiya Janata Party and its allies with a large lead over the ruling Congress party and its allies after voting ended Monday.
The Obama administration started mending fences in February, when, for the first time in Modi's decade-long tenure as the top official in Gujarat state, the U.S. ambassador met with him. Officials since have said whoever is elected India's next leader would be welcome to the U.S., leaving little doubt that if Modi becomes prime minister, he could visit Washington.
On Monday, President Barack Obama congratulated India on its national election and said the U.S. will work closely with India's next government.
"We look forward to working with the leaders chosen by the Indian people to advance this important partnership and to set an ambitious agenda," State Department spokeswoman Jen Psaki said.
But the controversy over Modi's visa could leave some hard feelings.
The Bharatiya Janata Party says Modi got a clean bill when investigators appointed by India's Supreme Court in 2010 did not find prosecutable evidence that Modi had willfully allowed the 2002 communal violence, but rights groups maintain there's strong evidence linking his administration with the attacks, and he remains a divisive figure. Last year, plans for Modi to address by video a University of Pennsylvania conference on the Indian economy were scrapped following opposition from Indian-American professors, alumni and students.
Still, Modi has friends in America, including successful Indian-American businessmen with roots in Gujarat, and he's steered clear of religious politics in the campaign. U.S.-based analysts and congressional aides say Modi has little foreign policy experience, but his pro-business outlook and focus on reviving India's flagging economy could help the relationship.
"The State Department will have to be very careful in how they manage re-engagement, but in other areas the BJP looks to America as a strong natural partner for defense and economic issues. We saw that the last time the BJP was in power," said Rick Rossow of the Center for Strategic and International Studies think tank in Washington.
Strategic ties deepened under then-Prime Minister Atal Bihari Vajpayee. Under his Congress Party successor, the current prime minister, Manmohan Singh, the administration of President George W. Bush forged a landmark U.S.-Indian civil nuclear agreement.
Obama also emphasized ties with India, the world's largest democracy. He visited New Delhi in 2010 and declared the U.S.-India relationship would be a "defining partnership of the 21st century." With about 3 million Indian-Americans in the U.S., people-to-people ties are strong.
But there's been disappointment since then. While military cooperation and U.S. defense sales have grown, and two-way trade is now around $100 billion, the economic relationship has been rocky. Washington has been frustrated by India's failure to open up more to foreign investment and address complaints over intellectual property violations. Liability legislation has prevented U.S. companies from capitalizing on the nuclear deal.
The U.S. complaints have strained overall ties.
"Every time the U.S. pressures India on trade, that's been perceived as the U.S. trying to twist the arm of the Indian government for the benefit of American business," said Jonah Blank of the RAND Corp. think tank. At one point, the push to allow companies like Walmart to open retail stores in India threatened to topple the Congress-led coalition.
But Blank, a former Senate aide to now-Secretary of State John Kerry, said the main reason the relationship has flagged is because neither country made it a top priority. The Obama administration, facing many foreign policy challenges, views India as important, but not urgent. India's government has been preoccupied with domestic politics.
Ties tanked in December when Indian Deputy Consul General Devyani Khobragade was arrested and strip-searched in New York City. She was accused of lying on visa forms so she could bring her maid to the U.S. while paying her a pittance. In India, strip-searching a member of the educated elite would be unthinkable. Khobragade returned to India in January, but charges are still pending.
India retaliated against American diplomats, and the opposition joined in the criticism. In December, Modi canceled a meeting with visiting U.S. lawmakers, and when he met U.S. Ambassador Nancy Powell, he brought up Khobragade's "ill-treatment."
But Modi also said the BJP wanted to strengthen the strategic partnership with the U.S. and build on the foundations laid by Vajpayee, although he's said little about it during the campaign.
The successor to Powell, who is resigning, could play an important role in trying to start off well with the new prime minister.
Obama has yet to nominate a replacement, but India will look for someone close to the White House, said Sanjay Puri, chairman of the U.S.-India Political Action Committee, which has helped organize trips by senior BJP officials to the U.S. He's also urging an early White House invitation for the next Indian leader.
"This relationship needs some love right now," Puri said.
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