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<ul class="summary-list"><li><keyword id="6863574" type="UNKNOWN" weightage="60" keywordseo="Amber-Guyger">Amber Guyger</keyword>, a former <keyword id="95097" type="COMPANY" weightage="60" keywordseo="Dallas">Dallas</keyword> police officer <a href="https://www.insider.com/amber-guyger-murder-verdict-jury-2019-10">killed Botham Jean in his own apartment</a> in 2018 filed an appeal to her 10-year prison sentence.</li><li>Guyger's lawyers argue in the appeal that "she had the right to act in deadly force in self-defense since her belief that deadly force was immediately necessary was reasonable under the circumstances," <a href="https://www.cbsnews.com/news/amber-guyger-trial-former-cop-appeals-murder-charge-in-death-of-botham-jean/">CBS</a> reported.</li><li>A lawyer for the Jean family said in a statement to CNN that filing the appeal reflects Guyger as "someone who is not repentant but instead was hoping to play on the families sympathies at the time that they were most vulnerable."</li></ul>The ex-police officer who killed an unarmed Black man in his own Dallas apartment has filed an appeal for her conviction.On September 6, 2018, Amber Guyger shot and killed 26-year-old <keyword id="6863576" type="UNKNOWN" weightage="60" keywordseo="Botham-Jean">Botham Jean</keyword>. <a href="https://www.insider.com/amber-guyger-murder-verdict-jury-2019-10">During the 2019 trial</a>, Guyger's attorneys argued that she parked on the wrong floor of her building after a long shift at work and mistakenly entered the apartment above her own.<a href="https://www.insider.com/amber-guyger-sentence-10-years-botham-jean-murder-2019-10">Insider previously reported</a> that when Guyger walked into the wrong apartment she saw the silhouette of a figure standing in the dark and said "Let me see your hands!" before shooting her firearm.Prosecutors opposed that argument, saying Jean was not a threat as he was watching television and eating a bowl of ice cream when Guyger entered his Dallas apartment.Ultimately, she was found guilty of Jean's murder and sentenced to 10 years in prison in October 2019.In the appeal, Guyger is requesting to either be acquitted of the <keyword id="188417" type="PERSON" weightage="60" keywordseo="murder-charge">murder charge</keyword> or acquitted and charged with criminally negligent homicide, a lesser offense. Guyger's lawyers said that the evidence was "legally insufficient to prove beyond reasonable doubt," <a href="https://www.cbsnews.com/news/amber-guyger-trial-former-cop-appeals-murder-charge-in-death-of-botham-jean/">CBS</a> reported."Her mistaken belief negated the culpability for murder because although she intentionally and knowingly caused Jean's death, she had the right to act in deadly force in self-defense since her belief that deadly force was immediately necessary was reasonable under the circumstances," Guyger's attorneys said in the appeal.Guyger's attorneys are requesting an oral argument to present their case.S. Lee Merritt, a lawyer for the Jean family, criticized the appeal in a statement to <a href="https://www.cnn.com/2020/08/07/us/amber-guyger-botham-jean-appeal/index.html">CNN</a> on the family's behalf, saying the move was aimed to play on the family's "sympathies.""After admitting her <keyword id="39494" type="ORGANIZATION" weightage="60" keywordseo="Crime">crime</keyword> and asking Botham Jean's family for mercy-- Guyger's actions in filing this appeal reflect someone who is not repentant but instead was hoping to play on the families sympathies at the time that they were most vulnerable," Merritt said in the reported statement.Merritt told CNN that Guyger filing the appeal suggests that she "should have been allowed to murder Botham in 'self defense'" and that "the jury was instructed on self defense prior to deliberations and they properly rejected the defense and found Guyger guilty of murder one."

The former Dallas police officer who killed Botham Jean in his own apartment is appealing her murder conviction

<ul class="summary-list"><li>Second generation Americans, or the children of immigrants, are a growing part of the US population.</li><li>Not all children of <keyword id="11657604" type="UNKNOWN" weightage="60" keywordseo="black-immigrants">Black immigrants</keyword> assimilate or accept labels like 'African American.'</li><li>Activists say combating racism is sidetracked by debates about country of origin.</li></ul>Alex Love is a born and raised New Yorker. She's lived in that city for the past 34 years she's been on this earth. But unlike many Americans, she doesn't like McDonald's, favors a chicken patty over takeout, and says "good morning" to strangers she passes on the street."I grew up knowing that I was American, but not a 'regular American,'" the consultant told Insider.Both Love's parents are from Barbados. So how she shows up in American society and views her Blackness was first shaped by that Black immigrant experience. "If you have a parent born in another country, even though you're born here, your upbringing is still predominantly led and shaped by where your parents came from and their own <keyword id="24504" type="ORGANIZATION" weightage="60" keywordseo="culture">culture</keyword>," said Haitian-American journalist, Edvige Jean-François who speaks extensively on the Black immigrant experience. Straddling the line of an African American and Black immigrant identity can even make it difficult to feel connected to historical milestones and celebrations unique to the US, including recent Juneteenth commemorations."I think that it's great that people are celebrating, but I don't feel connected to it," she said. "For me, I can trace my history within Barbados so that's where I feel rooted." Black, second-generation immigrants spoke with Insider about that intersectionality, and how they internalize American Blackness through a different lens than their African American counterparts whose existence dates back to US slavery. <h2>Children of Black immigrants are growing part of the population</h2>Second-generation immigrants - people born in the US with at least one immigrant parent - make up <a href="https://www.pewresearch.org/hispanic/chart/first-and-second-generation-share-of-the-population/">12%</a> of the American population, according to a 2017 Pew report. But the term can also be applied to those born abroad and raised in the US. Black immigrants with parents from the Caribbean, <a href="https://www.migrationpolicy.org/pubs/AfricanMigrationUS.pdf">Northern and sub-Saharan Africa</a>, and a smaller group from Canada and Europe are included in that makeup."Unfortunately, people do look at [all] Black people here as being black when it comes to these things and don't recognize our individual cultures and ethnicities," Jean-François said.<div type="image" title="Pew Research graph of first and second generation demographics change in US" height="1132" width="1400" msid="84487309" hostid="261"></div>Vice President Kamala Harris has had her own Blackness <a href="https://www.washingtonpost.com/nation/2019/03/15/black-like-kamala-harris-an-identity-dilemma-second-generation-black-immigrants/">called into question</a> on account of her Jamaican heritage. And former President Barack Obama faced lingering attacks on a racial identity, and US citizenship from the far-right who pinpoint his Kenyan father.With parents or guardians from countries where Black people are usually the dominant majority race, some second-generation immigrants like Love hold a different view of their place in the US in comparison to African Americans with longstanding history here. Sociology professor Nancy Foner noted pressure to reject the dominant culture "is usually found in first-generation immigrants," but with second-generation immigrants often "a small minority" still favor their ancestral home and cultural practices.For those that do, their reasons can be as rooted in societal anti-Blackness in the US that positions African Americans as inferior, as it is cultural pride. As a result, some second-generation Americans, even those who migrated to the US as a child <a href="https://www.nbcnews.com/news/nbcblk/solidarity-when-caribbean-immigrants-become-black-n308686">attempt to distance themselves from African Americans</a>. "My upbringing is very heavy on manners. I kind of had a different standard," Love said. "So I kind of grew up believing that Americans didn't have as good manners as Caribbean kids."One of the things that she found most challenging was navigating between being identified as Caribbean and being identified as African American, especially being born and raised in the US. <h2>Black immigrants don't always accept with the term 'African American'</h2><div type="image" title="harris.capitol" height="2000" width="2666" msid="84487311" hostid="261"></div>Foner said there is often a struggle second-generation Black immigrants face to define their Blackness, often most closely associating with their parents' homelands."They think of themselves in many cases as African Americans, but they also think of themselves in many cases as Jamaicans or Nigerians," she told Insider. "And because of how other Americans view race, they have a problem establishing their ethnic identity."Some research suggests most children of immigrants <a href="https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S1229545014000217">eventually assimilate</a>, taking on the cultural norms of where they reside to better fit in with the world outside of their homes. But that's not always the case - especially for Black second-generation Americans whose parents themselves may be unaware of the societal nuances that dictates what it means to be Black in America. Those who lean heavily towards becoming more Americanized may do so with the intent of being part of the African American culture. Jean-François told Insider she was keen to learn about Blackness in America and determined to understand the African American experience beyond what she learned in her Haitian home. Her parents, who migrated to the US in their 30s and 40s, didn't necessarily understand the systemic racism, redlining, economic disenfranchisement, or just being treated differently primarily because of the color of their skin. Their idea of navigating American society and becoming successful hitched on the cornerstone of attaining proper education and avoiding political or social activism and groups - something they didn't associate with their African American counterparts. Jean-François' own experience proved that to be untrue having moved to Canada, then the US. She was first made aware of her racial difference when, at eight years old, a white girl asked Jean-François whether her parents had left her in the toaster for too long. Love, too, came to the realization that what she learned in the home sometimes did not translate to when she was out in the world as a Black person, especially in the corporate world. At home, she was taught to be humble, keep her head down, and that with a good education and hard work she would be successful. But "that has not been true, in my experience, in the [American] workforce," she said. There are times, she said, when she had to be bold and make herself seen in a way she was told African Americans behaved to get ahead. But as part of the African diaspora overall, Love told Insider African Americans and Black immigrants are connected through shared traumas of slavery and segregation.<h2>Institutional racism impacts Black Americans no matter country of origin</h2><div type="image" title="solidarity protests " height="1335" width="2000" msid="84487312" hostid="261"></div>Black immigrants are part of the larger Black community in America and have similarly been treated institutional racism. As recent as 2018 the killings of St. Lucian American <a href="https://www.cnn.com/2018/09/07/us/dallas-police-shooting-botham-shem-jean/index.html">Botham Shem Jean</a> and Jamaican American <a href="https://www.nytimes.com/2018/04/04/nyregion/police-shooting-brooklyn-crown-heights.html">Saheed Vassell</a> made national and international <keyword id="6355005" type="UNKNOWN" weightage="100" keywordseo="news">news</keyword> as two Black immigrants who were victims of police brutality. Differences like Jamaican, Ghanaian, or Panamanian may be important at home - not within American institutions that devalue Black skin regardless of whether it carries a blue or red passport. "Being Black in America, the rest of the world doesn't care what my name is," Ephiphane Yohou, a Maryland-based global marketing strategist said, adding non-Black people seldom say 'let me go and find out where her last name comes from.'" "If you're Black, you're Black," she told Insider.Yohou, whose parents migrated from the Ivory Coast in West Africa, is often subject to the same stereotypes as all Black Americans - including the over-policing of her dress, hair, and mannerism in the workplace.She says the complexity of being Black in America, with various ethnic backgrounds, is all rooted in the desire to be accepted and free in the US - regardless of if a Black person is born in America or makes a home here for themselves. The diaspora has been uniting to fight against racial injustice, including <a href="https://www.usatoday.com/story/opinion/2020/09/10/why-haitian-americans-brooklyn-have-aligned-black-lives-matter-column/5757831002/">marches</a> in solidarity with the <keyword id="2771111" type="PERSON" weightage="60" keywordseo="black-lives-matter">Black Lives Matter</keyword> movement. Second generation Americans' lived experience also uniquely position them to fight against anti-Black racism while amplifying imm migrant issues.Black immigrants are detained and deported at <a href="https://www.insider.com/how-trump-tps-immigration-policy-could-affect-black-immigrants-2020-1">disproportionate rates relative to their population</a>, and many young migrants from Africa and the Caribbean are <keyword id="2382465" type="PERSON" weightage="60" keywordseo="DACA">DACA</keyword> recipients."We have to recognize African American cultures in the fight that they have waged historically, for African Americans, but all Black people who come here have benefited and are benefiting from it," Jean-François said.Even though their upbringing resulted in two different views of where they stand on being Black in America, both Love and Jean-François agree on one thing: being a Black person in America means dealing with racism. With that experience nearly universal across the diaspora, Jean-François says country-of-origin debates detract from liberation for all Black people, no matter where they're born."Whether or not we celebrate our individual cultures, when it comes to America and how they view Black people, we face the same challenges," she said.

For some children of immigrants, 'African American' doesn't fit their unique, Black experiences in the US

<ul class="summary-list"><li><keyword id="12517212" type="UNKNOWN" weightage="60" keywordseo="ben-crump" source="Orion">Ben Crump</keyword> is a civil rights attorney who has represented the families of <keyword id="11911209" type="UNKNOWN" weightage="60" keywordseo="george-floyd" source="Orion">George Floyd</keyword>, Breonna Taylor, and Andre Hill.</li><li><keyword id="11892922" type="UNKNOWN" weightage="60" keywordseo="netflix" source="Orion">Netflix</keyword>'s upcoming documentary 'CIVIL' follows a year in his life.</li></ul>Ben Crump has been dubbed "Black America's attorney general" by the public for his work helping families in high-profile civil rights cases—like Trayvon Martin and Ahmaud Arbery—reach historic settlements and verdicts."CIVIL," a new Netflix documentary directed by Nadia Hallgren, follows Crump over a year from 2020 to 2021 as he takes on some of the most seminal cases for Black civil rights, including the murders of George Floyd, Breonna Taylor, and Andre Hill.Hallgren, who previously directed the Michelle Obama documentary "Becoming," said she felt galvanized to work on "CIVIL" after George Floyd's murder in the summer of 2020. She said she uses storytelling as a way to connect viewers with people they may never get to meet."These are parts of America that most people don't see. The intimacy of the homes we step into where people are going through the worst experience they'll ever have in their lives, where someone in their family was killed by a police officer," Hallgren told Insider. "We get to really be there and understand the nuance and the behind-the-scenes, what happens beyond the news cycle.""CIVIL" premieres on Netflix on June 19.In an interview with Insider, Crump shared his path to becoming "Black America's attorney general," and where he believes civil rights in the country needs to progress. The interview has been edited for clarity and length.What inspired you to dedicate your career to civil rights?When I was in the fourth grade, we integrated the schools in my small town of Lumberton, North Carolina—a very conservative town. They would bus the little Black children across the tracks to the white section of town in North Lumberton. They had new schools, new facilities, new everything, from books to technology.I remember coming home on the bus one day back to the Black section of town. As we crossed the tracks, I saw all the dilapidated buildings, all the houses boarded up and the cars broken down. And I saw my old elementary school and the poor condition it was in. I just kept thinking, "I wonder why they have everything so good, and we have everything so rough."My mother told me the reason we got to go to the new school with the new books was because of Brown v. Board of Education and attorney Thurgood Marshall. And I decided as a nine-year-old fourth-grader that when I grew up, I was going to be a civil rights attorney like Thurgood Marshall and fight for people who live in my community and people who look like me, so they can have an equal opportunity at the American promise of life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness.<div type="image" title="Attorney Ben Crump leads a chant during a press conference for the Breonna Taylor case." height="4128" width="5503" msid="92290291" hostid="261"></div>You started your legal career as a rent lawyer—how did that lead to where you are now?I tell you, ignorance is bliss. My law partner and I turned down all our job offers and set up our own shop, because we wanted to do law that made a difference in our community. We were two young Black lawyers, and we took anything that came through the door. We started going to court and got good at what we did, and we got the reputation that we'd fight anybody.So people started coming to us. We were doing criminal law, family wills and estates, everything. Criminal law was very interesting because Black people are disproportionately targeted by the prison industrial complex. We got real good at convincing juries about reasonable doubt and walking Black people out of the courtroom, versus them going out through the back in handcuffs.That's part of what I do today. You fight to explain to juries to give consideration to Black people too: Don't write us off as guilty before we're proven innocent. It should be innocent before proven guilty. I believe in the romantic notion of "liberty and justice for all,"even though I might be one of the few people in the courtroom who still believes it.In the documentary, you call the George Floyd case one of the seminal cases in civil rights. Why was that the case that seemed to spark this global movement, when there are countless videos of people killed by police?I believe everything in my career led me to George Floyd, because I'd been battling police abuse of Black and brown people for decades. Whether it was the boot camp case, where 14-year-old Martin Anderson was killed; <a href="https://www.businessinsider.com/a-minute-by-minute-timeline-of-everything-thats-known-about-the-trayvon-martingeorge-zimmerman-shooting-2012-6">Trayvon Martin</a>, the 17-year-old who was killed by police; 18-year-old <a href="https://www.businessinsider.com/timeline-of-the-day-michael-brown-was-shot-2014-8">Michael Brown</a> in Ferguson; or the 13 Black women who were raped in Oklahoma City by a white police officer—I fought all those battles over those decades.But now we have this case, George Floyd, that was the most-watched documentary of torture in the world. The torture was a result of the excessive force of police officers on a Black person. And I said, this is my opportunity to show the world all the stuff we've been saying for years. You get to see with your own eyes. George Floyd was such a landmark case because it was so widely watched by the world.<div type="image" title="Attorney Ben Crump joins the family of George Floyd for a press conference after the sentencing of Derek Chauvin" height="4267" width="5690" msid="92290293" hostid="261"></div>You quote Thurgood Marshall in the documentary, saying, "do not argue what is legal, argue what is right." So much of our understanding of the law today, and the way that major Supreme Court decisions are made, is based on a close reading of the Constitution. However, the Constitution was not created with Black and brown people in mind. Does this teaching of the law affect who is able to find justice?Absolutely. They try to pin us in a hole and say you have to base everything on legal precedent. Well, if that were true, a lot of us would still be slaves, because the legal precedent in America established by the Supreme Court of the United States was that slavery was, in fact, legal. I heard somebody say, "Just because it's lawful, doesn't make it not awful." And I think that is true. Many of the laws we look at today are just God-awful laws. Sometimes you'll win battles, and the Court will try to take them back.But Justice Marshall told us, "Do not go into court to argue what is legal. Argue what is right." I believe that. At times, I get in trouble because of this. The courts don't always look kindly to you arguing what's right, because they've made these technical justifications to justify things that are discriminatory and wrong.In your cases where you represent a family that has been affected by police brutality, you have been able to bring forth a verdict or a settlement. However, it still seems rare for police to ever receive a prison sentence. Without jail time, is there any sort of real accountability that can prevent situations like this from continuing to happen?I think true accountability means preventing lives from being taken. The police and the prosecutors control whether somebody's going to be arrested, charged, convicted, and go to prison. All we can do as private lawyers is use the Seventh Amendment's right to civil compensation: We strategically employ everything at our disposal to make it financially unsustainable for them to continue to kill Black people unjustly. Because if there's anything that America understands, it's money. We understand capitalism. And so if every time they kill Breonna Taylor or Botham Jean or Andre Hill, they have to pay millions and millions of dollars.At some point, they're going to tell the police, "Hey, y'all gotta quit killing Black people in Jasper, and use the same restraint y'all used when they were storming the Capitol on January 6th. Y'all gave them the benefit of consideration, of doubt, and of humanity. More than anything, we want you to do the same thing with Black people. Don't shoot our children first and ask questions later. We're not asking for anything superior. We just want to be treated equally, whatever you would do for your children. We want our children to come home too."According to Mapping Police Violence, 1,144 people were murdered by police last year. That's 48 more people than in 2019. Do you feel like there has been any real change made in policing since George Floyd?I do. There were 100 Black people killed in 2020 after George Floyd was tortured to death. The Senate <a href="https://www.insider.com/police-reform-bills-breathe-act-legislation-congress-2021-8">failed to sign the George Floyd Justice in Policing Act</a>.But with all of that said, I believe we are making progress—incremental progress, but progress all the same. Cities, municipalities, and states have passed legislation that <a href="https://www.insider.com/city-police-departments-ban-chokeholds-other-deadly-force-options-2020-6">outlaw chokeholds</a> and <a href="https://www.insider.com/states-that-allow-no-knock-police-raids-breonna-taylor-2020-9">no-knock warrants</a>. For the first time in history, we have a federal database that documents who the police are killing, where they're killing them, and what reasons states are claiming they killed them for.I think we are going to make progress. We will win this war. There may be some battles that break our hearts, but the moral people will win.

How civil rights attorney Ben Crump came to represent George Floyd, Breonna Taylor, and Black America

<ul class="summary-list"><li>Dania Diaz, the head of <keyword id="14205491" type="UNKNOWN" weightage="60" keywordseo="team-roc" source="Orion">Team Roc</keyword>, <keyword id="13124362" type="UNKNOWN" weightage="60" keywordseo="roc-nation" source="Orion">Roc Nation</keyword>'s philanthropic arm, spoke to Insider about the formation of the <keyword id="14205490" type="UNKNOWN" weightage="60" keywordseo="united-justice-coalition" source="Orion">United Justice Coalition</keyword> and its coming <a href="https://www.unitedjusticecoalition.com/ujc-summit" target="_blank" rel="noopener">inaugural summit</a>.</li><li>The summit, free and open to the public, will take place at Center415 in New York City on July 23.</li></ul>In July, the <keyword id="11909294" type="UNKNOWN" weightage="60" keywordseo="social-justice" source="Orion">social justice</keyword> organization known as the United Justice Coalition will host <a href="https://www.unitedjusticecoalition.com/ujc-summit" target="_blank" rel="noopener">an inaugural summit</a> that will convene leading social justice activists and experts, entertainers, entrepreneurs, and organizations to discuss combating social and racial injustice.The convention, free and open to the public, will take place at Center415 in New York City on July 23. Prospective attendees can register for the event <a href="https://www.unitedjusticecoalition.com/ujc-summit" target="_blank" rel="noopener">through the coalition's website</a>. Ahead of the summit, Insider spoke to Dania Diaz, a UJC founding member and the head of Team Roc, Roc Nation's philanthropic arm, about the coalition's work preceding the summit and its evolution from an informal "meeting of the minds" into a nonprofit organization in 2020.In a phone interview, Diaz discussed assembling the coalition's advisory board, which includes Team Roc, media names like Charlamagne tha God and Gayle King, attorney Ben Crump, Dream Corps founder <a href="https://www.businessinsider.com/van-jones-interview-uncommon-ground-podcast-2021-10" target="_blank" rel="noopener">Van Jones</a>, activist Tamika Mallory, Michael Eric Dyson, attorney Angela Rye, and <a href="https://www.unitedjusticecoalition.com/advisors-1" target="_blank" rel="noopener">a long list of others</a>. The coalition also includes a group of families who lost loved ones to police violence, which Diaz addressed at length.This interview has been condensed and edited for clarity.I wanted to start out with some background if we could. How did this informal association evolve into a 501(C) organization?Well, the United Justice Coalition, to give you the background, was originally a convening of what we called back then a "meeting of the minds." Back in 2019, Roc Nation started to look at, how do we tackle a lot of the issues that are really impacting Black and brown communities? How do we address the corruption that we're seeing in police departments across America? How do we help to be part of the solution in rebuilding trust in communities with the <keyword id="11899820" type="UNKNOWN" weightage="100" keywordseo="law" source="Orion">law</keyword> enforcement? And realized that we needed to get really passionate people at the table who were doing the work on the ground across the US, and getting a cross section of thought leaders to engage in discussion and also to take action.So, we started meeting monthly, and I would say that, I guess, the formal naming of the organization, United Justice Coalition happened back in early 2020, I believe. That's when we agreed upon an official name and an entity to be formed, because we were doing a lot of work that really addressed a lot of the issues that we wanted to tackle. <a href="https://www.businessinsider.com/yo-gotti-interview-jay-z-new-album-untrapped-prison-reform-2020-1" target="_blank" rel="noopener">Parchman prison for one</a>: that is sort of like a Team Roc-led initiative, but fully supported by all members of the United Justice Coalition. It's something that, as you know, just recently the Department of Justice had declared that the conditions at Parchman violated the eighth amendment and the 14th amendment. So that was a big win. I'd say that the engine behind that was really the support of the United Justice Coalition.What are some other examples of behind the scenes work that the coalition has done subsequently?Well, one thing that I wanna highlight, if you haven't looked at <a href="https://www.unitedjusticecoalition.com/" target="_blank" rel="noopener">the website</a> yet, is just to get a sense of the membership, right? We have a cross section of thought leaders from media and philanthropy and activists and lawyers and educators. But most importantly, we have families. Families that were impacted by police violence. And one of the things that we worked on was really kind of humanizing the stories of the loved ones that were lost, and hearing it from the family's perspective, and ultimately that developed into a series of PSAs that we were able to also work with the NFL to give it broader exposure. So that's another example.We've also worked on how to amplify Black voices in the civic engagement process. We did a whole sort of voter registration initiative with Block Power that was really focused on helping to increase civic engagement in areas where voter turnout was low back in 2020. So, supported efforts in North Carolina and Georgia and Florida, Texas, Arizona, to increase voter registration with Block Power. We also support ... we called it a police accountability database, but the formal name is the Full Disclosure Project, which is housed at the National Association of Criminal Defense Lawyers, NACDL, and basically what it does is provide criminal defense attorneys real time information about police officers, tracking their misconduct so that there are immediate decisions that could be made rather than having somebody sit in in jail or have an extended pretrial detention experience because the data isn't immediately available. So that's another example of the work that we've supported through the UJC.What does the codification of a summit allow for? What opportunities does that present?You know, we wanted to launch the summit years ago, and unfortunately obviously because of the pandemic we couldn't. But we're really excited to host it this year. And the goal is really collaboration and education and learning. Really a moment to have productive discussions around the issues that we see on the news all the time, the issues that impact underserved communities, Black and brown communities. Looking at our criminal justice system and really looking at, how do we bring the energy and the expertise to life in a contained space, right? I think that a lot of folks have been wanting to get together and talk about these issues, but more importantly, find real solutions and models and take action. And so that's really kind of the goal and the spirit of the conference, of the summit.<div type="image" title="Dania Diaz" height="796" width="596" msid="92234056" hostid="261"></div>And so, that's really what we wanna do on July 23rd. We wanna bring together this vibrant community of people who are concerned, who wanna learn more, who wanna take action, and bring kind of the best of the minds to the conference, whether as panelists, whether as keynote speakers, whether as attendees. We will have an entire area devoted to organizations that are doing the work on a daily basis, giving them greater visibility in this space and bringing everyone from like a kid in Memphis, for instance, who is curious about the legal system or who may have been racially profiled, to a top CEO who's made real commitments on racial justice and criminal justice reform. So we want a diversity of perspectives, but the common goal is really coming up with solutions.Could you speak to specifically the diversity and variety of the advisory board, what went into assembling the group of people who are included?I mean, a number of things. I think we were looking at some colleagues and some connections in our world who are really leaders in their own rights. So people who have real voices when it comes to racial justice, social justice, the impact of laws and policies on certain communities that are underserved. So everything from people in media, we have Charlamagne and Gayle King, for instance. And then we have like a Barry Sheck, one of the co-founders of the Innocence Project, an incredible human being and intellect. We have Tamika Mallory, widely known for a lot of her organizing work, and Carmen Perez-Jordan as well, who is the CEO of the Gathering for Justice, which was founded by Harry Belafonte.So, these are folks that we've either worked with in the past, but engaging others that we probably haven't worked with directly, in this capacity, engaging them because they have a real voice, like a Angela Rye, for instance. So it really came down to looking at who can really help have impact as we get them together, and really digging in deep on some of the issues, and how do we use our individual platforms to have even greater impact as a collective.You briefly touched on it, but I wanted to just ask further. I think it's impactful to have, as a part of this coalition, family members of those who were shot and killed by police officers.Absolutely.Could you speak to where they factor into the coalition's plans?They're an essential and very prominent part of how we operate. And, I mean, every meeting that we have really focuses on the families first. They center us in ways that I think no other organization can, because they've experienced the pain firsthand and many of them have actually become leaders in their own right, unfortunately, due to the trauma. But, I mean, if you look at the families that are represented at the UJC, it's phenomenal human beings. You can talk about Dr. Tiffany Crutcher, twin sister of Terrence Crutcher, who has killed by police in Oklahoma. We have Michelle Kenney, mother of Antwon Rose in Pittsburgh. Angella and Dan Henry, parents of DJ Henry, who started their DJ Henry Dream Fund. And we also have Allisa Findley, sister of Botham Jean, who was killed in his own home in Dallas, Texas.So, you know, they're incredible human beings, really leaders. They all started organizations in honor of their loved ones. And as I mentioned, they really helped to center the conversations and at the UJC in ways that are very powerful and in ways that are very honest and that keep us all grounded.What do you see moving forward from the coalition? What are the plans, essentially, of how to progress following the summit?Well, I mean, one thing is that this is the first summit. So I think there's definitely an opportunity to listen and learn and really understand all the different ways we can have impact. I think that one of the best features of the summit will be the presence of organizations that are on the ground, and each and every one of them has, obviously, the expertise in their own right. So learning from them, being able to also participate in town halls, because there will be a mix of panel discussions, of keynotes, of town halls. There will be an area dedicated to networking. So maybe there's something that sparked your interest in a conversation, in a panel, and you wanna talk further about it, there's going to be an entire area where you can just network with folks and learn more.So I think, you know, at the end of the day, again, I'm just gonna highlight the education piece, and I'm gonna highlight the opportunity to get more involved with organizations and take action. But one of the things that we will get out of it is really understanding the issues a lot better, who the players are and how we can work better together to make some real meaningful change. 'Cause we know that there's a lot that we need to work on to improve our criminal justice system and to really tackle systemic racism.

Roc Nation's head of philanthropy on the United Justice Coalition and its coming inaugural summit for social justice

We checked in on 70 cops who were involved in notorious police killings. Some are doing just great.

<ul class="summary-list"><li><keyword id="153271" type="ORGANIZATION" weightage="60" keywordseo="Time-magazine">Time magazine</keyword> and <keyword id="279589" type="COMPANY" weightage="60" keywordseo="The-New-Yorker">the New Yorker</keyword> both commissioned Black artists to create powerful cover images of police brutality and racism.</li><li>In Time, artist Titus Kaphar honors victims of racist killings by painting a grieving mother holding a hallowed-out baby, while the red border lists the names of 35 Black Americans who have died at the hands of police or other Americans.</li><li>In The New Yorker, artist Kadir Nelson created a piece called "Say Their Names," which includes a painting of George Floyd with the faces of other Black men and women who have been killed.</li><li>Both artists have a prominent record of depicting African American history in their work.</li></ul>Following the death of George Floyd and the <a href="https://www.insider.com/black-lives-matter-protests-aerial-footage-photos-2020-6">massive wave of protests</a> across the US, Time magazine and the New Yorker both commissioned Black artists to create cover images to reflect the issue of police brutality and racism in America.Both images make a powerful statement at a time when many Americans are grappling with the harrowing reality of <a href="https://www.insider.com/how-to-help-fight-systemic-racism-2020-6">systemic racism</a> and violence against Black Americans.Titus Kaphar and Kadil Nelson are both renowned for their work, and have a prominent history of featuring African American history into their pieces.Here's a look at their recent pieces, and acclaimed careers.<h2>Titus Kaphar, 'Analogous Colors'</h2>In Time magazine, artist <a href="https://kapharstudio.com/">Titus Kaphar</a> created a piece called "Analogous Colors," in which a <a href="https://time.com/5847667/the-story-behind-times-george-floyd-cover/">grieving Black mother holds the silhouette of a child</a>. Kaphar chose to cut the baby out of the canvas to signify the loss of African American mothers whose children have been killed by police or other Americans.In a <a href="https://time.com/5847487/george-floyd-time-cover-titus-kaphar/?utm_source=twitter&amp;utm_medium=social&amp;utm_campaign=editorial&amp;utm_term=ideas_race&amp;linkId=90735839;linkId=90735839">poem to accompany the piece</a>, Kaphar writes, "In her expression, I see the Black mothers who are unseen, and rendered helpless in this fury against their babies."Along the border of the cover, Kaphar lists the names of 35 Black Americans who have been killed in acts of racial violence.Kaphar was born in Kalamazoo, Michigan, in 1976. He received an MFA at the Yale School of <keyword id="1105" type="PERSON" weightage="60" keywordseo="art">Art</keyword>, and has since become a nationally recognized artist whose work has appeared in The Museum of Modern Art in New York, and the National Portrait Gallery in Washington, DC, among many others.As a multimedia artist, Kaphar has created paintings, sculptures, and installations that often explore ideas of history and representation. <a href="https://kapharstudio.com/about/">According to his website</a>, "his practice seeks to dislodge history from its status as the 'past' in order to unearth its contemporary relevance."Kaphar works with a variety of materials and methods with the "aim to reveal something of what has been lost and to investigate the power of a rewritten history."In some of his previous work, Kaphar has investigated the criminal justice system and its relationship to Black Americans. When a series of protests broke out in Ferguson, Missouri, after the death of Michael Brown in 2014, Kaphar created a painting titled <a href="https://time.com/time-person-of-the-year-ferguson-painting/">"Yet Another Fight for Remembrance,"</a> that was also featured in Time magazine.Throughout his career, Kaphar has received a number of awards, and has since created a program in New Haven, Connecticut, called <a href="https://www.nxthvn.com/about/">NXTHVN</a> to give early-career artists opportunities for mentorship and networking.<h2>Kadir Nelson, 'Say Their Names'</h2>In the New Yorker, artist <a href="https://www.kadirnelson.com/">Kadir Nelson</a> created a memorializing cover image in which the faces of 18 Black Americans who have been killed by racial violence are shown within the outline of George Floyd.The piece, titled "<a href="https://www.newyorker.com/culture/cover-story/cover-story-2020-06-22?campaign_id=9&amp;emc=edit_nn_20200615&amp;instance_id=19396&amp;nl=the-morning&amp;regi_id=107792266&amp;segment_id=30929&amp;te=1&amp;user_id=646afad6f902850b1ef5fa470c2e9c50fad6f902850b1ef5fa470c2e9c50">Say Their Names</a>," includes the faces of <a href="https://www.insider.com/ahmaud-arbery-shooting-killed-jogging-travis-gregory-mcmichael-georgia-justice-2020-5">Ahmaud Arbery</a>, <a href="https://www.insider.com/heres-who-protesters-are-remembering-across-the-country-2020-6">Tony McDade</a>, <a href="https://www.businessinsider.com/a-minute-by-minute-timeline-of-everything-thats-known-about-the-trayvon-martingeorge-zimmerman-shooting-2012-6">Trayvon Martin</a>, and <a href="https://www.insider.com/george-floyd-death-eric-garner-mother-i-cant-breathe-2020-5">Eric Garner</a>, as well as icons of the civil rights movement.According the <a href="https://www.washingtonpost.com/arts-entertainment/2020/06/14/new-yorker-cover-george-floyd/">Washington Post</a>, Nelson said the cover was a "memorial to all of the African Americans who were and continue to be victimized by the long shadow cast by racism in America and around the globe."Nelson, 46, practices art in Los Angles and has become widely recognized for his work.After receiving a BFA at the Pratt Institute in New York, DreamWorks Pictures commissioned Nelson to create pieces for two separate films, including Steven Spielberg's Oscar-nominated film, "<a href="https://www.imdb.com/title/tt0118607/">Amistad</a>," about a slave uprising on a ship.This work led him to <a href="https://www.librarypoint.org/blogs/post/kadir-nelson/">create children's books about African American history</a>, including, "<a href="https://www.amazon.com/Moses-Harriet-Tubman-Freedom-Caldecott/dp/0786851759">Moses: When Harriet Tubman Led Her People to Freedom and Henry's Freedom Box: A True Story of the Underground Railroad</a>," and, "<a href="https://www.scholastic.com/teachers/books/we-are-the-ship-the-story-of-negro-league-baseball-by-kadir-nel/">We Are the Ship: The Story of Negro League Baseball</a>," which was a New York Times bestseller.In his work, Nelson often focuses on <a href="https://www.kadirnelson.com/about">history and heroes within American culture.</a> His art has been featured on the cover of albums by Michael Jackson and Drake, and he has created imagery for National Geographic, HBO, and Nike, among others.He also has artworks on permanent display in the US House of Representatives, the National Baseball Hall of Fame, and the National Museum of African American History and <keyword id="24504" type="ORGANIZATION" weightage="60" keywordseo="culture">Culture</keyword>, to name a few.See more of <a href="https://kapharstudio.com/">Kaphar's</a> and <a href="https://www.kadirnelson.com/">Nelson's</a> work at their websites.

Meet the artists behind Time magazine and the New Yorker's powerful cover images about police brutality and racism

<ul class="summary-list"><li><keyword id="9334946" type="UNKNOWN" weightage="60" keywordseo="lee-pelton">Lee Pelton</keyword> is the president of <keyword id="985476" type="ORGANIZATION" weightage="60" keywordseo="Emerson-College">Emerson College</keyword> in Boston, Massachussetts. </li><li>On June 1, he wrote a powerful letter to the students and staff at Emerson expressing his feelings of sorrow, anger, and pain caused by <keyword id="53374" type="PERSON" weightage="60" keywordseo="Police-Brutality">police brutality</keyword> throughout the nation.</li><li>The college president spoke about the times he faced <keyword id="43748" type="PERSON" weightage="60" keywordseo="discrimination">discrimination</keyword> throughout his life, from being called slurs to being racially profiled by cops, and reminded students that these experiences are 'not new.'</li><li>Below is the full text of his statement, reprinted with permission. </li></ul>Today, I write to you as a Black man and as President of Emerson College.There is no other way to write to you, given recent events.I didn't sleep Friday night. Instead, I spent the night, like a moth drawn to a flame, looking again and again at the video of George Floyd's murder at the hands of a Minneapolis white police officer. It was a legalized lynching. I also intently watched the fiery protests in American cities.America is on fire, I thought.Even in the face of a viral pandemic that had closed down much of human society, it could not stop a black man from being murdered in public view.I was struck by the callousness and the casual dehumanization of Mr. Floyd. To that officer, he was invisible — the Invisible Man that Ralph Ellison described in his novel by the same name.Black Americans are invisible to most of white America. We live in the shadows — even those of us, who like me, sit at the table of bounty. Ironically, at our colleges and universities we are hyper-visible in classrooms, work places, social settings, and as we go about our daily lives.On Saturday, I was very angry. The persistent structural <keyword id="44060" type="PERSON" weightage="60" keywordseo="Racism">racism</keyword> that under girds American society and permits the police and others to kill black people is pernicious and ubiquitous.We mourn George Floyd. But let's not forget the other George Floyds of which he is but one:Ahmaud Arbery was jogging when white vigilantes pursued him in their pick-up trucks, shot, and killed him. A Harvard educated black birder, Christian Cooper, was bird watching when a white woman walking her dog weaponized the lynching trope in an attempt to summon police.Do you remember Trayvon Martin or 12-year old Tamir Rice or Sandra Bland or Philando Castile or Eric Garner or Freddie Gray or Botham Jean or Breonna Taylor?Say their names. This is not new.All of them dead. Each of them invisible.I'm still angry. As President, I didn't want to write in anger. But I also didn't want to write the kind of platitudinous letters that ordinarily appear after these kinds of killings. I consulted my children on Saturday. One said, "Dad, I don't think you need to say anything if you don't want to. Who even knows what to say right now. And as you said, it's more up to white people to say something now."I consulted friends and one of the wisest among them said, "Let the world know how you feel. Everyone who gets it will be better for it; the others, who cares. In some context anger is not an emotion; instead, it's a moral."And so, I write today.I watched the video over and over again well into the morning hours because I was mesmerized by the casualness with which the Minneapolis police officer Derek Chauvin murdered George Floyd. Chauvin dug his knee into his neck for almost nine minutes, even as Floyd repeatedly said, "I can't breathe. I can't breathe." As he called on his Mama before he took his last breath, Chauvin continued to talk, he looked as if he didn't have a care in the world. He didn't stop until Floyd was unresponsive.George Floyd was invisible. And it was his invisibility, a brutal white power structure and Chauvin's dehumanization of him that killed him.Floyd has a history. And so do I.I was born in a house that had no indoor plumbing until I was six years old. Until they died, my mother and both of my grandmothers cleaned houses for middle class and rich white folks. My father was a laborer until he got a good paying job working at the City of Wichita, Kansas, where I was born and raised.In my lifetime, I have been called the n-word by white people in every state and every city that I have ever lived in.I have been pulled over driving while black more times than I can remember. I have been spit on by a white parking lot attendant. I was stopped 20 feet from my house by two white police officers in their cruiser, the searing heat of their spot lights on the back of my neck, guns drawn on either side of my car because I looked like a black man who was alleged to have stolen something from a convenience store. When I was living on the West Coast, I was pulled over twice in a single night by police officers because, according to each, I didn't turn on my turn signal the proper feet before a stop sign. As President of Willamette University, two teenage boys drove up on the sidewalk to block my path home because I looked like someone who was suspected of stealing from neighborhood homes. When I asked what that person looked like they described someone more than twenty years younger than me. While visiting my cousins in Conway, Arkansas in the '70s, I suffered the deep humiliation of having to go to the back alley of a local restaurant to order food. I was twenty years old. I was angry at the overt racism and at my cousins for enduring such indignities almost a decade after the passages of the two Civil Rights Acts of the mid-'60s.That's my history. And I have dedicated my life's work to social justice in just about every aspect of American life, but especially for young people who grew up like me.I also write to you today on the anniversary of the 1921 Tulsa, Oklahoma riots in which Greenwood, then the wealthiest black neighborhood in America (called the Black Wall Street), was attacked by mobs of white residents because a 19-year old black shoe-shiner allegedly bumped into a 17-year old white female elevator operator. More than 800 black people were admitted to the hospital, and 6,000 Greenwood families were displaced as white vigilantes deputized by law enforcement killed more than 300 hundred black people and destroyed more than 35 square blocks of Greenwood, some it carried out by private aircraft. It is the worst single incident of racial violence in American history, and I suspect not one in ten in Americans have ever heard of it.What happened to George Floyd is not new. It is as old as 250 years of slavery and the Jim Crow laws that sought to marginalize and shut out black Americans from American society.As my wise friend reminded me, quoting James Baldwin, "Any real change implies the breaking of the world as one has always known it, the loss of all that gave one an identity, the end of safety."Black folks are sick and tired of being sick and tired.So, I have no words of comfort today because they would be inauthentic. They would absolve so many from coming to terms with their own silent complicity in the world in which we live.As I wrote to someone today, "This is not a black problem, but a structural issue built on white supremacy and centuries of racism. It's your problem. And until you understand that, we are doomed to relive this week's tragic events over and over again. What changes will you make in your own life? Begin with answering that question and maybe, just maybe we will get somewhere."The most important question is: What are you going to do?At an appropriate time, I will gather the community to talk about what I have written and what we might be able to do together to address racism in America, beginning first of all with an honest appraisal of who we are and what we stand for.Lee Pelton is president of Emerson College. He also serves on the Board of Directors for the Boston Chamber of Commerce and the Boston Arts Academy Foundation Board.Read the original article on <a href="https://www.businessinsider.com/emerson-president-calls-george-floyds-death-police-brutality-legalized-lynching-2020-6">Business Insider</a>

Read the powerful letter Emerson College's first black president sent his school about the 'legalized lynching' of George Floyd: 'America is on fire'

<ul class="summary-list"><li>President <keyword id="6354484" type="PERSON" weightage="60" keywordseo="Donald-Trump">Donald Trump</keyword> signed an executive order on policing Tuesday that's primarily concerned with avoiding the demonization of <keyword id="11098" type="ORGANIZATION" weightage="60" keywordseo="police">police</keyword>. </li><li>The executive order is meant to respond to nationwide protests over <keyword id="53374" type="PERSON" weightage="60" keywordseo="Police-Brutality">police brutality</keyword> and racism and comes as Trump's polling numbers are rapidly tanking.</li><li>But it's low on substance and doesn't go nearly as far as other proposals regarding policing in the US from activists and lawmakers.</li><li>As Trump announced the executive order at the White House on Tuesday, he showered law enforcement with praise. </li><li>"Without police, there is chaos," Trump said. "The vast majority of police officers are selfless and courageous public servants."</li></ul>President Donald Trump on Tuesday signed an executive order on policing that does not address the demands of activists who've flooded America's streets or go nearly as far as legislation proposed by Democrats and Republicans in Congress.As Americans demonstrate against the use of excessive force by police, the president showered law enforcement with praise and called for more "law and order" in the US. Trump's executive order is primarily concerned with not demonizing police officers. "We will have reform without undermining our great police officers," Trump said in announcing the executive order on Tuesday. "Americans want law and order. They demand law and order. They may not say it; they may not be talking about it, but that's what they want. Some of them don't even know that that's what they want. But that's what they want.""Without police, there is chaos," he added. Before Tuesday's announcement, which took place in the White House's Rose Garden, Trump said he met with the families of victims of police violence, including Ahmaud Arbery, Botham Jean, Antwon Rose, Jemel Roberson, Atatiana Jefferson, Michael Dean, Darius Tarver, Cameron Lamb, and Everett Palmer. <h2>Trump's executive order is more about optics than making major changes</h2><div type="image" title="george floyd protest nyc" height="1333" width="1777" msid="76413215" hostid="261"></div>Trump's executive order calls for the creation of a national database to track police misconduct. It also emphasizes the need for the increased involvement of mental-health professionals in policing to help deal with nonviolent situations involving issues such homelessness and addiction. Additionally, the executive order seeks to use federal grants to incentivize departments to reach certain standards on their use of force.There is overwhelming public and bipartisan support for an outright ban on choke holds, but Trump's order does not go that far. "As part of this new credentialing process, choke holds will be banned — except for if an officer's life is at risk," Trump said.With protests against police brutality and racism occurring in virtually every major US city over the past few weeks — largely catalyzed by the killing of <keyword id="9295731" type="UNKNOWN" weightage="60" keywordseo="george-floyd">George Floyd</keyword> — the Trump administration has been under increasing pressure to offer policy proposals directed at reforming policing.Earlier this month, Trump controversially threatened to use the US military to quell protests and unrest across the country over Floyd's death. That same day, law enforcement violently dispersed peaceful protesters to clear a path for Trump to take a photo with a Bible at a nearby church. This incident did not help matters and sparked widespread condemnation — <a href="https://www.businessinsider.com/mattis-unloads-on-trump-for-dividing-america-in-blistering-statement-2020-6">including from former top advisers to the president</a>.The president's polling numbers <a href="https://news.gallup.com/poll/312572/trump-job-approval-slides.aspx">have been tanking</a> amid the protests and his response to the coronavirus pandemic. More than 116,000 people have died from COVID-19 in a matter of months under Trump's watch. Trump's executive order came well after a variety of proposals were put forward by various localities and congressional lawmakers. With polling showing strong support for the nationwide demonstrations, the order is an effort to answer the call for policing reform without taking steps that might anger or alienate law enforcement. "The vast majority of police officers are selfless and courageous public servants," Trump said on Tuesday as he made it clear that he opposes efforts to disband and defund police departments. "Law and order must be further restored nationwide."<h2>Beyond Trump's executive order, here are some of the most notable proposals that have recently been put forward: </h2><ul><li>House and Senate Democrats want to ban choke holds, end no-knock warrants in federal drug cases, and create a national police-misconduct registry.<ul><li>House Democrats have <a href="https://www.businessinsider.com/summary-justice-in-policing-act-democrats-2020-6">put forward the Justice in Policing Act</a>, the most sweeping law-enforcement overhaul proposed by Congress in recent decades. It focuses on increasing police accountability and curbing some of the most controversial police tactics.</li><li>The bill would put an end to qualified immunity, which protects law-enforcement officers from civil lawsuits; create a higher federal use-of-force standard; log a national registry of police misconduct; and ban choke holds and no-knock warrants.</li><li>House leaders have rejected calls to defund police departments.</li><li>"We want to work with our police departments," House Speaker Nancy Pelosi <a href="https://www.vox.com/2020/6/8/21283841/democrats-police-reform-bill-explained-george-floyd">said last week</a>. "There are many things we call upon our police departments to deal with — mental-health issues, policing in schools, and the rest — that we could rebalance some of our funding to address some of those issues more directly. But this isn't about that."</li></ul></li><li>Senate Republicans, led by Sen. Tim Scott, support significantly fewer far-reaching changes, which they're preparing to unveil in new legislation this week.<ul><li>Some of the measures in <a href="https://www.washingtonpost.com/powerpost/republican-senators-outline-gops-police-reform-bill/2020/06/14/8d10a3a0-ae6f-11ea-856d-5054296735e5_story.html">the GOP bill</a> will be similar to those in the Democratic bill, including a national database of law-enforcement misconduct, a ban on neck restraints and no-knock warrants, and a lower legal bar for civil lawsuits against officers, The Washington Post reported.</li><li>But Republicans have rejected other measures proposed by Democrats, including ending qualified immunity, which <a href="https://www.axios.com/tim-scott-police-reform-bill-qualified-immunity-899fccfe-f517-4512-b890-bd19be0ffbfa.html">Scott has called</a> a "poison pill" for the GOP.</li></ul></li><li>Black Lives Matter cofounder Alicia Garza is calling for a national defunding of police and the reallocation of resources to social services, including housing and healthcare.<ul><li>"So much of policing right now is generated and directed towards quality-of-life issues, homelessness, drug addiction, domestic violence," Garza <a href="https://www.axios.com/defund-police-black-lives-matter-7007efac-0b24-44e2-a45c-c7f180c17b2e.html">told NBC News</a>.</li><li>"What we do need is increased funding for housing, we need increased funding for education, we need increased funding for quality of life of communities who are over-policed and over-surveilled," Garza added.</li></ul></li><li>Joe Biden, the presumptive 2020 Democratic presidential nominee, wants to spend $300 million more on community policing.<ul><li>Biden has said he doesn't support calls to defund the police but that funding should be conditional on the department's standards.</li><li>"I support conditioning federal aid to police based on whether or not they meet certain basic standards of decency and honorableness and in fact are able to demonstrate they can protect the community and everybody in the community," Biden <a href="https://www.cbsnews.com/news/biden-federal-aid-police-epartments-defunding/">told CBS News last week</a>.</li><li>Biden announced last week that he was still calling for <a href="https://www.businessinsider.com/biden-300-million-for-reshaped-police-departments-in-op-ed-2020-6">an additional $300 million</a> in federal funding "to reinvigorate community policing." He also wants to see increased investment in "mental health services, drug treatment and prevention programs, and services for people experiencing homelessness," he wrote in <a href="https://www.usatoday.com/story/opinion/2020/06/10/biden-root-out-systemic-racism-not-just-divisive-trump-talk-column/5327631002/">a USA Today op-ed</a>.</li><li>"That may also mean having social service providers respond to calls with police officers," Biden added.</li><li>While many progressives are calling to reduce police interaction with Black and brown communities, Biden <a href="https://abcnews.go.com/Politics/joe-biden-pushed-police-now-confronts-challenge-police/story?id=71177383">has long argued</a> that having more police officers on the streets improves safety. </li><li>And Biden's record on policing and criminal-justice policy has long been scrutinized by progressives, who point to the <a href="https://www.vox.com/policy-and-politics/2019/6/20/18677998/joe-biden-1994-crime-bill-law-mass-incarceration">1994 crime bill</a> he championed as a reason for mass incarceration, harsh sentencing, and the criminalization of poverty.</li></ul></li><li>Sen. Rand Paul, a Kentucky Republican, wants to stop the federal militarization of local police departments' and end no-knock warrants, like the one that led to Breonna Taylor's killing in Louisville.<ul><li>Paul is <a href="https://www.courier-journal.com/story/news/politics/2020/06/11/breonna-taylor-shooting-rand-paul-files-bill-ban-no-knock-warrants/5345478002/">drafting legislation</a> that would ban no-knock warrants, which allow the police to enter a residence without identifying themselves or the reason for their entry. He said he was motivated by the March killing of Taylor, who was shot by police officers who raided her apartment in the middle of the night. </li><li>"After talking with Breonna Taylor's family, I've come to the conclusion that it's long past time to get rid of no-knock warrants," he said. "This bill will effectively end no-knock raids in the United States."</li><li>Paul also supports a bipartisan bill, the Stop Militarizing Law Enforcement Act, that calls for a ban on the transfer of military weapons to local police departments.</li><li>"I support our officers, but I do not believe it is beneficial for neighborhoods across the United States to have the same kind of military-grade weapons that are commonly used in Afghanistan," Paul told Business Insider in a statement. </li><li>Notably, Paul has prevented a federal anti-lynching bill from becoming law, saying it defines lynching too broadly.</li></ul></li><li>Some local leaders and civil-rights groups have also put forward proposals.<ul><li>New York City Council Speaker Corey Johnson wants to make "significant cuts to the NYPD budget and reinvest that money in communities" and "get cops out of schools, out of homeless services, and out of mental health."</li><li>Ed Mullins, the president of the NYPD sergeants union, supports ending arrest quotas, expanding police departments' Big Brother Big Sister programs, and creating "public service announcements" that "explain what transpires during a police encounter."</li><li>The Leadership Conference on Civil and Human Rights, along with several hundred civil- and human-rights groups, is calling for eight key policing reforms, including a national use-of-force standard, a ban on choke holds, and an end to racial profiling.</li></ul></li></ul>

Trump's executive order on policing is pro-police and doesn't call for major changes

<div type="image" title="george floyd memorial" height="683" width="911" msid="76413066" hostid="261"></div><ul class="summary-list"><li>The video of <keyword id="9295731" type="UNKNOWN" weightage="60" keywordseo="george-floyd">George Floyd</keyword>'s killing is yet another example in a long line of footage of brutality against Black people.</li><li>While white people watching these videos see an opportunity to share in a pain they will never experience, Black people see daughters, sons, cousins, and neighbors.</li><li>Despite 30 years of recordings, these videos have done little to stop the killings and brutality, and it's time for the nation to think deeply not only about the purpose of sharing these videos, but who benefits from them most.</li></ul>I did not watch the video of George Floyd's death. Or Ahmaud Arbery's. Or Sean Reed's. Or Eric Garner's. Or Philando Castile's. Or many of the others before them. I don't need video proof of <keyword id="53374" type="PERSON" weightage="60" keywordseo="Police-Brutality">police brutality</keyword> or Black sentience, and the Black death genre has never appealed to me. Maybe it isn't supposed to. Most recently, video footage of now-former Minneapolis Police officer Derek Chauvin pinning Floyd under his knee <a href="https://www.insider.com/black-man-george-floyd-dies-after-police-officer-kneels-neck-2020-5">spread</a> across the Internet and <keyword id="6355005" type="UNKNOWN" weightage="60" keywordseo="news">news</keyword> broadcasts. Black social media users pleaded with the public to stop sharing the video of Floyd's death, threatening to block any account that posted the traumatizing footage. <div type="image" title="george floyd" height="1768" width="2357" msid="76413069" hostid="261"></div>In recent years, a genre of videos once <a href="https://www.usnews.com/news/articles/2014/08/07/tale-of-the-tape-when-police-brutality-is-caught-on-camera">lauded as an alarming, mobilizing force</a> has repeatedly sparked questions about whether such footage does more harm than good. It seems that with each new police brutality video, more and more Black people are condemning their virality, citing a profound emotional toll. So what is the purpose of these videos? And, perhaps more importantly, who are they for?"There is a tremendous toll from the vicarious exposure to this kind of abuse. These images are traumatizing. There can be a vicarious trauma through witnessing these images and can also cause some to relive traumatic experiences that they may personally have had with police," Brian Smedley, chief of psychology in the public interest at the American Psychological Association, told Insider.<h2>The footage of the vicious 1991 beating of Rodney King was the first of many police brutality videos to spread across the world</h2>The grainy footage of Los Angeles Police Department officers <a href="https://www.cnn.com/2013/09/18/us/los-angeles-riots-fast-facts/index.html">brutally beating</a> King was broadcast in homes across the country, sparking a national conversation about racism and police violence. We're still having that conversation nearly three decades later. With the advent of the Internet, countless videos are circulated in order to prove that Black people haven't been lying about the abuse we've suffered. Arguments for sharing these videos largely rest on claims that they lead to justice, and the flawed notion that white people need to see Black people dying in order to care. But if history has taught us anything, it's that America is slow to dole out justice, and even slower to produce lasting advancements for oppressed groups. Many officers and white vigilantes captured on video murdering Black people have been arrested and charged — much to the surprise of Black people everywhere — but, ultimately, 30 years worth of Black death footage hasn't stopped these killings.<div type="image" title="rodney king" height="1745" width="2327" msid="76413073" hostid="261"></div> Still, the videos are <a href="https://www.cnn.com/2014/11/18/us/police-cell-phone-videos/index.html">hailed as resources</a> for raising consciousness and awareness. They exist, then, for white people. It does not sit well with me that Black death has become a resource for white empathy. And we must carefully attend to the inevitable ramifications of casting Black death as an educational tool. "From <a href="https://www.npr.org/2018/05/04/608477810/as-new-lynching-memorial-opens-a-look-back-on-americas-history-of-racial-terrori">lynching postcards</a> to Rodney King to all of the recent cases, the virality of these videos is another form of violence upon Black folks," California-based organizer Anthony Williams told Insider. Williams decided to stop watching the videos in 2014 and now asks social media users to include trigger warnings when sharing the footage."Our murders are trivialized as 'not that bad' or the 'exception' rather than an all-too-present reality. In many ways, all of this just contributes to the desensitization to our murders."<h2>The footage has ramifications for mental health and well-being</h2>A <a href="https://www.jahonline.org/article/S1054-139X%2819%2930164-8/fulltext">2019 study</a> found that exposure to such traumatic footage led to depression and even post-traumatic stress disorder among Black people. Dr. Danielle Hairston, president of the American Psychiatric Association's Caucus of Black Psychiatrists, says she's seen this firsthand with her patients.The first time she noticed this phenomenon was around the time of Michael Brown's killing in Ferguson. "My patients who are young adults and college-aged students expressed their ability to identify with the young people being killed and the fear that something like this could happen to them," Hairston said."They started to experience symptoms that we typically see with post-traumatic stress disorder and depression. Young adults were talking about the impact that these images were having on them. The videos of killings are a lot to bear."A nation that makes a spectacle of Black death would hardly be concerned about the mental health of the Black people who see these videos, especially if it accepts that this emotional toll is a small, insignificant price to pay for education and awareness.<div type="image" title="michael brown memorial" height="1624" width="2165" msid="76413075" hostid="261"></div><h2>Millions of views do nothing to address and eradicate the underlying racism that make these killings possible</h2>Videos of Black death have worked to spur the masses into action — protests over Floyd's death have been happening across the country for more than a week. Without a video, we may have never known that North Charleston officer Michael Slager <a href="https://www.nytimes.com/2017/12/07/us/michael-slager-sentence-walter-scott.html">murdered 50-year-old Walter Scott</a> and attempted to plant evidence to support his false statement in 2015. We may never have known that <a href="https://www.cnn.com/2019/05/04/us/oscar-grant-shooting-bart-internal-investigation/index.html">Oscar Grant</a> was held down and shot in the back in 2009. And we certainly may never have known that <a href="https://www.nytimes.com/2020/06/09/opinion/hate-crime-bill-ahmaud-arbery.html">Ahmaud Abery was chased down</a> and killed by two white men while jogging. These videos led to convictions or charges, but the millions of views did little to address and eradicate the underlying racism that made these killings possible. In fact, Ahbery's death only highlights the nation's refusal to do away with racist "stand your ground" laws. And if we are considering incarceration to be justice, we did not need to see <a href="https://www.cnn.com/2019/10/02/us/amber-guyger-trial-sentencing/index.html">Botham Jean</a>'s death in order to convict his killer. And we did not need to see <a href="https://www.latimes.com/entertainment-arts/story/2020-06-08/breonna-taylor-celebrity-tweets-arrest-cops">Breonna Taylor</a>'s death in order for the public to demand that her killers be arrested. Rather than settling for the jailing of racist, killer cops, true justice would be to dismantle the systems that create racist, killer cops in the first place."If you look at writings from 100 years ago, you see that not that much has changed. There's no way to bring back the lives that these cops have taken," Anthony Williams said. "So justice to me would be that no other Black people — no one, period — would be killed by the police. We have to think about justice differently. And justice cannot be synonymous with punishment." <h2>When we continuously see Black death, we get used to Black death</h2>"You could be setting a new standard of normalcy. It's like the repeated exposure used in treatment for phobias to get people to have less of a startled response to stimulus gradually," Hairston said. Meanwhile, the victims in these videos are immortalized as hashtags, with their lives reduced to their final moments. Videos of police brutality have also begun to serve as a means for some social media users to boost their platforms, amass views, and <a href="https://www.thedailybeast.com/shaun-king-keeps-raising-money-and-questions-about-where-it-goes-3">even profit financially</a>. Perhaps most disturbingly, these videos become fodder for <a href="https://www.vice.com/en_us/article/539vv8/why-reddit-banned-some-racist-subreddits-but-kept-others">racist Reddit groups</a>. With that, these images serve as souvenirs of white supremacy, much like the lynching postcards of the past. "The spectacle of white supremacist violence against the Black subject winds up … reinforcing that existing racial, and social, power hierarchy," Dr. William Horne, founder of <a href="https://activisthistory.com/">The Activist History Review</a>, told Insider, citing Saidiya Hartman's book "Scenes of Subjection." "It winds up legitimizing itself in the eyes of the white audience."<div type="image" title="eric garner protest" height="1667" width="2222" msid="76413077" hostid="261"></div>For nearly 30 years, <keyword id="522707" type="PERSON" weightage="60" keywordseo="viral-videos">viral videos</keyword> of police brutality and white supremacy have been shared to shock and mobilize, while barely putting a dent in the systems that make this brutality possible. It's time for the nation to think deeply not only about the purpose of sharing these videos, but who benefits from them most. While white people watching these videos see an opportunity to share in a pain they will never experience, Black people see daughters, sons, cousins, and neighbors. And we can never unsee it. Char Adams is a race, gender, and identity reporter whose work has appeared in Teen Vogue, Vox, Vice, Mic, PEOPLE Magazine, OprahMag.com, and more. She is the digital editor of SUM research at The Graduate Center, CUNY. Follow her on Twitter <a href="https://twitter.com/CiCiAdams_">here</a>.Read more:<a href="https://www.insider.com/afro-latino-boyfriend-police-talk-america-george-floyd-police-brutality-2020-6">I gave my Afro-Latino boyfriend the 'police talk' before visiting the US. After George Floyd's killing, I watched his baptism into American life.</a><a href="https://www.insider.com/american-muslims-george-floyd-injustice-speaking-out-2020-6">I'm a Black American Muslim. After the killing of George Floyd, I hope that my community will speak out against injustices faced by Black people.</a><a href="https://www.insider.com/photos-i-will-breathe-rally-nashville-george-floyd-protests-2020-6">PHOTOS: The 'I Will Breathe' rally and march in Nashville brought thousands together to protest against racial inequality and police brutality</a>

You Searched For "Botham Jean" and got 9 results

The former Dallas police officer who killed Botham Jean in his own apartment is appealing her murder conviction

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Trump's executive order on policing is pro-police and doesn't call for major changes

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I don't need to see another Black person die. 30 years of brutal footage hasn't stopped these killings.

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