- Like the US, Iraqi Kurds and Kurdish-led forces in Syria have faced waves of Iranian drone attacks.
- The US Congress has already asked DoD to develop a plan to equip the Peshmerga with air defenses.
It isn’t just US troops falling prey to Iranian-built drones and missiles in the Middle East.
America’s close partners, Iraqi Kurds and Kurdish-led forces in Syria, have faced waves of drone attacks since October and are demanding air defenses from the US, more advanced weapons whose provision may turn on the assent of Turkey and Iraq’s Iran-dominated politics.
“As you may know, recently, we have been attacked by drones and missiles,” Iraqi Kurdistan’s Prime Minister Masrour Barzani told NBC News on Feb. 8, in a clear allusion to air defenses.“We don’t have the capabilities of defending ourselves. So, when we say we need more support from the United States, we are not necessarily talking about more US troops. We want more military capabilities.”
Iraqi Kurdistan has faced waves of drone attacks primarily targeting US troops in the autonomous region since October. While these attacks have not resulted in American fatalities like the infamous Jan. 28 Tower 22 drone attack in Jordan, they have injured US personnel.
Three US troops were injured in a drone attack on Jan. 25, one critically. Another explosive-laden drone crashed into a barracks at the same base on Oct. 26 but miraculously did not explode.
Iran also directly targeted the home of a prominent local businessman in the Iraqi Kurdish capital Erbil on Jan. 15 with ballistic missiles.
Iraqi Kurdistan’s Peshmerga armed forces lack the capabilities to defend against such attacks.
The US Congress has already asked the secretary of defense to develop a plan by Feb. 1 to equip the Peshmerga with air defenses as part of the 2024 National Defense Authorization Act.
“The scope of US equipping of the Kurdish Peshmerga forces has been limited and has not covered sophisticated weaponry such as air defense systems,” Mohammed Salih, senior fellow at Foreign Policy Research Institute, told Business Insider. “It’s uncertain if this is going to change minus some strong will within the administration in Washington.”
Salih outlined how Iraqi Kurds perceive themselves “consistently targeted” due to their association with the US, pointing out that merely a week ago, they resisted political efforts by pro-Iran groups to expel US troops from Iraq.
Iraqi Kurdistan expects the US to appreciate such stances and provide air defenses, given the high stakes for the autonomous region. That could either come in the form of the US supplying such weaponry directly to the Peshmerga or having the US military expand its limited air defense capabilities in Iraqi Kurdistan to cover the region rather than just US bases and the American consulate.
Ceng Sagnic, chief of analysis of the geopolitical consultancy firm TAM-C Solutions, said “several considerations” are involved in supplying the Peshmerga air defenses. In his view, the “primary concern” is the requirement under the current NDAA also to arm the Iraqi military with such systems.
“The US might hesitate to provide advanced weaponry to the central Iraqi government, especially given Baghdad’s inclination to formally request the departure of coalition forces from Iraq,” Sagnic told Insider. “Consequently, the central Iraqi government might delay acquiring air defense systems from the US to prevent their delivery to the Kurdish region on guidance from Iran.”
Threat perceptions in Baghdad and Iraqi Kurdistan’s Erbil also differ since the former has not come under aerial threat from Iran or its proxies.
“For Iraqi Kurdistan to receive advanced weapon systems from the US, a decision circumventing the central Iraqi government is necessary, as has occurred in the past, particularly during the war against ISIS,” Sagnic said.
Turkey may not object to an American air defense provision to Iraqi Kurdistan under certain conditions. While Ankara has friendly ties with the leading Kurdistan Democratic Party in Erbil, it objects to the policies of the region’s second party, the Patriotic Union of Kurdistan, repeatedly accusing it of collaborating with its arch-foe, the Kurdistan Workers’ Party, PKK.
“It’s unlikely that Ankara would oppose arming Iraqi Kurdish forces with air defense weapons, as they would ultimately serve to protect Turkish interests against potential Iranian aggressions,” Sagnic said. “However, Ankara will closely monitor the recipients of these shipments if the US provides such weapons to Iraqi Kurdistan, aiming to prevent PKK-allied PUK from acquiring advanced weaponry.”
The Syrian Democratic Forces and the north and eastern Syrian regions under its control have come under unprecedented aerial attacks in recent months. Turkey has bombarded the region in a ferocious campaign of air and drone strikes. And Iran-backed militias have also targeted the SDF with drones. On Feb. 5, six SDF fighters were killed when an explosive drone launched by an Iran-backed militia hit their base, which also houses US troops.
Mazlum Kobane, the SDF’s commander in chief, told Reuters on Feb. 8 that his forces “require technical capabilities and an increase in the aerial defensive systems” in the region. The 900 US troops in Syria have some limited defenses, including short-range Avenger systems that fire Stinger missiles. These defenses intercepted six incoming militia drones on Feb. 10.
Any US provision of such systems to the SDF would likely face opposition from Turkey.
“Using recent clashes as a reason to request additional US air defenses is likely to be viewed negatively in Ankara,” Ali Bakir, a Turkey expert and non-resident senior fellow at the Atlantic Council’s Middle East program, told BI. “Depending on the type and location of the air defense system, it could be perceived as a threat against Turkey rather than protection against Iran.”
Despite these numerous obstacles, a workable solution that gives the Kurds some defense against aerial threats might still be found.
“While Iraqi Kurdistan may eventually secure advanced mid-range missile systems for defensive purposes, the optimal choice for the SDF might involve requesting that the US military safeguard SDF-controlled areas using weaponry operated by US personnel,” Sagnic said.