Congress Manifesto Takes On Modi, Balances Talk Of Welfare With Outreach To India Inc

NEW DELHI: Even as a "communal versus secular" battle promises to remain the main motif of the 2014 election, Congress has sought to counter criticism that it presided over a shrinking economy by balancing its "welfare" instincts with an outreach to business.

Though Congress's political focus remains challenging BJP's prime ministerial candidate Narendra Modi by painting him as a threat to the idea of a unified, equitable India, the party is also looking to undercut his growth pitch.

Framing Congress policies as truly inclusive, vice-president Rahul Gandhi said, "The country can grow by a firm partnership between business and poor. It cannot grow either by neglecting business or the poor."

The manifesto, which bears a strong imprint of Rahul's thinking, promises a strong set of rights-based initiatives intended to benefit a "sandwiched" class of those between the poverty line and the middle class.

Rahul has consistently focused on this section, estimated by his backroom to number 70 crore, and the manifesto promised to bring these "skilled hands" into the middle class through a 15-point agenda.

Addressing the interests of a class that is not-rich, not-middle class, not-BPL (NRMB) can help Congress counter caste and identity based politics of its rivals in many states, party sources contended.

The document released on Wednesday looks to offer a "complementarity" between business and beneficiaries of the welfare schemes by arguing that programmes like homestead and health security will spur demand.

Just the health sector could see an addition of 60 lakh jobs while Congress promised to frame policies that can deliver 10 crore jobs – a clear attempt to counter the damaging criticism that UPA policies delivered jobless growth.

The lack of specific initiatives — apart from pledges such as fixing retrospective tax — to encourage foreign investment reflects a belief that if systems work in a fair and efficient manner, capital is bound to follow.

There are other shifts from past UPA policy that point to the ongoing change of guard in Congress with the manifesto's political and governance reforms underlining Rahul's oft-repeated view that rent seeking and influence peddling is the bane.

Though the proposals cannot wish away the negative impact of a series of corruption scandals, Rahul chose to defend the 'primaries' experiment in choosing Lok Sabha candidates saying it was an idea well worth the effort.

His argument that making a system more transparent can make it that much harder for bribe-giving and lobbying to influence decisions has been at best partially successful. But either way, Congress is clearly committed to Rahul's way.

The balancing act between welfare and growth seeks to retain the support of those likely to benefit from schemes like rural employment and food security and counter Modi's sharp criticism that corruption, shrinking employment and stalled businesses meant both the poor and the middle class lost out.

The rebalancing did not, however, see any dilution of Congress's focus in a rights-based approach that party leaders say is intended to "give the deserving their due" and this means health cover including free medicines, homestead security and pensions. There is also the promise to improve education through a greater role of private institutions.

Though Rahul said he recognizes the need for business to prosper to fund welfare schemes, the manifesto clearly does not see the rights as "handouts" but feels they level the playing field for the disadvantaged.



The manifesto slammed the "retroactive taxation" while promising to pump in one trillion dollars in infrastructure in ten years and bringing in flexible labour policy to boost competitiveness. It also lays stress on job creation and manufacturing.

"The elections are not just about good work and economic development. For Congress, this election is to safeguard the constitutional framework that the freedom fighters bequeathed to us…we don't turn man against man," she said.

The Congress trinity of Prime Minister Manmohan Singh, Sonia Gandhi and Rahul singled out Modi for sharp attack. Rahul backed Singh's earlier description that Modi would be a disastrous for India as a PM and added that he represented an ideology that would hurt the country.

Congress faces strong anti-incumbency after a decade in power, compounded by the slips on the graft-and-growth fronts that have put its chances with the middle-classes under a cloud. The failure in the largely rural states of MP, Chhattisgarh and Rajasthan in the December elections underlined the limitations of the appeal of UPA's flagship schemes.

The attack on BJP and Modi for "communalism" seeks to address the vast electorate of Muslims and minorities who are likely to polarise against the BJP with Modi as mascot. There seems a realization among the Congress strategists that because of his image, Modi is succeeding in baiting the Hindu votes despite talking about development in his rallies.

The bid to corner the saffron camp aims as much to corner it with a large section of the electorate as also to deepen the "secular" deterrent for the regional parties mulling partnership with BJP.

Times View

The Times of India Manifesto ('MANIFESTOI', published on March 14) had made a strong case for fiscally responsible and socially progressive governance. The Congress manifesto is broadly in line with our philosophy, although it is somewhat skimpy on details. It calls for accelerated growth and financial prudence; speedy introduction of GST; administrative, legal and judicial reforms, flexible labour laws; 'zero aversion' to foreign investment; decriminalization of consensual gay sex; greater spending on health and education; creation of a business-enabling environment. All of this, and more, was contained in the TOI Manifesto. Question is, how much of it will the Congress be able to actually implement? After all, it had a decade to do it.

While agreeing with the overall thrust of the manifesto, it should be pointed out that what Congress calls a 'rights- based approach' can be rendered meaningless by overreach. We have no quarrel with the general proposition that many of the services government provides to citizens should be treated as their due rather than a favour. Indeed, it is an important change in the mindset of those in 'power'. However, we must not make the mistake of assuming that all of India's problems – among them the fact that not everybody gets their roti, kapda and makaan – can be legislated away by giving people a 'right' to them. Guaranteeing the right to health, for instance, is a far cry from actually delivering quality, affordable healthcare to 1.2 billion.

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