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<table class="image-container float_right" width="200"><tr><td><div class="image"></div>Business InsiderMike Jeffries</td></tr></table>It's no secret that <keyword id="6407546" type="COMPANY" weightage="60" keywordseo="CEOs">CEOs</keyword> make big money. But it can be truly shocking to see how much more they make than the people that work for them.
Since most companies don't make that ratio available, <a href="http://go.bloomberg.com/multimedia/ceo-pay-ratio/">Bloomberg calculated it</a> based on the "U.S. government’s industry-specific averages for <keyword id="6355283" type="ORGANIZATION" weightage="60" keywordseo="Pay">pay</keyword> and benefits of rank-and-file workers" and disclosed total CEO compensation by companies for the fiscal year that ended in 2012.
They found eight companies whose CEO made more than 1000 times what an average employee made. Each company was given the opportunity to respond to Bloomberg's calculations, and some disputed the methodology. Their comments can be seen <a href="http://go.bloomberg.com/multimedia/ceo-pay-ratio/">here.</a>
JC Penney
CEO: <keyword id="279737" type="PERSON" weightage="60" keywordseo="Ron-Johnson">Ron Johnson</keyword> (he was still CEO at the end of the FY ending in 2012)
CEO to employee pay ratio: 1,795 ($53.3 million/$29,688) 
Abercrombie &amp; Fitch Co.
CEO: Michael Jeffries
CEO to employee pay ratio: 1,640 ($53.3 million/$29,688) 
Simon Property Group
CEO: David Simon
CEO to employee pay ratio: 1,594 ($137.2 million*/$86,003) 
*from FY ended 2011
Oracle Corp.
CEO: Larry Ellison
CEO to employee pay ratio: 1,287 ($96.2 million/$74,693) 
Starbucks
CEO: Howard Schultz
CEO to employee pay ratio: 1,135 ($28.9 million*/$25,463) 
CBS Corp. 
CEO: Leslie Moonves
CEO to employee pay ratio: 1,111 ($69.9 million*/$62,930) 
*from FY ended 2011
Ralph Lauren Corp.
CEO: Ralph Lauren
CEO to employee pay ratio: 1,083 ($36.3 million/$33,550) 
Nike
CEO: Mark Parker
CEO to employee pay ratio: 1,050 ($35.2 million/$33,550) 
Some companies argue that the bulk of their CEO compensation is in the form of long-term stock options that give them incentives to perform well and to work for shareholders, and others that it's necessary to keep top leaders from leaving for a competitor. 
Successful CEOs do <a href="http://www.theatlantic.com/business/archive/2013/04/whats-behind-the-huge-and-growing-ceo-worker-pay-gap/275435/">have an outsize impact</a>, but the numbers and ratios have gotten so large that it's not only demoralizing to employees, it's also increasingly hard to make a case to shareholders that justifies these astronomical figures.
Overall pay goes up and down, but the trend is way up as the below chart shows. And if a company is successful, why does so much more go to the CEO, and so little to rank and file employees?
<div class="image-container" style="width:500px"><div class="image"></div><a href="http://stateofworkingamerica.org/chart/swa-wages-figure-4-ceo-worker-compensation/">The State Of Working America</a></div> 
There's an potential solution that's been started but not finished. The Dodd-Frank financial reform bill includes a provision requiring companies to disclose this ratio. However, the Securities and Exchange Commission (SEC) hasn't drawn up the rules that would put it into action.
Companies are <a href="http://www.bloomberg.com/news/2013-04-30/ceo-pay-1-795-to-1-multiple-of-workers-skirts-law-as-sec-delays.html">actively lobbying against the rule</a>, which shows the power that employee-to-CEO ratios have to put compensation into context. 
The first step is to actually pass that rule so the information's out there. The second one is to beef up the ability of shareholders to context excessive pay. Right now "say on pay" votes are embarrassing, but non-binding. 
Maybe in some cases, extraordinary effort and success deserves to be rewarded. If that's true, then companies should be able to make a convincing argument, and not have to worry about shareholder votes.
Many of those supporting the lobbying effort against disclosure are <a href="http://www.bloomberg.com/news/2013-04-30/ceo-pay-1-795-to-1-multiple-of-workers-skirts-law-as-sec-delays.html">at the high end</a> for those ratios, which seems to imply that they don't feel that their argument for the higher discrepancy in pay is all that strong.

These CEOs Make A 1000 Times More Than Their Average Employee

<ul class="summary-list"><li>Coding bootcamps may have a financial incentive to overstate their effectiveness.</li><li>Learning to code can still be life-changing for some so we spoke to insiders about how to find the best bootcamps. </li></ul>Last month, I reported on what appears to be exaggerated reports on student outcomes by the <keyword id="12546806" type="UNKNOWN" weightage="60" keywordseo="coding-bootcamp" source="Orion">coding bootcamp</keyword> <keyword id="12546805" type="UNKNOWN" weightage="60" keywordseo="lambda-school" source="Orion">Lambda School</keyword>. According to my reporting, the school's job placement rate for its graduates was around 30% — far lower than the 74% it currently advertises. My reporting showed that the school's advertised rates omit a large section of its graduates. The school itself countered that any such discrepancies were simply a result of standard practices for bootcamp outcomes reporting. In this, they may be correct: General Assembly, for example, <a href="https://generalassemb.ly/sites/default/files/2021-08/GA_OutcomesReport_19_8.5.21.pdf">dropped more than 30% of its graduates</a> for not "participating" fully with its career services. With these nonparticipants removed, they could then claim that the remaining 99.2% of their graduates successfully found jobs. Flatiron School, with over 2000 students, <a href="https://hi.flatironschool.com/rs/072-UWY-209/images/Flatiron%20School%20Jobs%20Report.pdf">omitted 22% as non job-seeking</a>. Other schools like Coding Dojo<a href="https://cdn2.codingdojo.com/files/codingdojo_outcomes.pdf"> excluded as many as 40% of graduates</a>. Coding bootcamps are private, for-profit schools that typically take adults with some work experience and retrain them as computer programmers. They cost between $10,000 and $20,000, around 15 percent of an entry-level salary in tech — a price that is well-worth it if the student lands a job. Last year 35,000 students graduated from these bootcamps. Uniquely among postsecondary schools, bootcamps have a cultural history of disclosing important numbers about how many of their graduates get jobs. However, not all bootcamp reports are equal. In their quest to compete with each other for enrollments, bootcamps have a potential financial interest in overstating their effectiveness, and prospective students should be wise to a few of the tricks the biggest bootcamps employ.<h2>Cherry-picking data is rife among the largest bootcamps </h2>According to Course Report's 2020 survey of bootcamp graduates, students primarily chose schools for the perceived outcomes of alumni, according to Course Report's <a href="https://www.coursereport.com/reports/2020-coding-bootcamp-alumni-outcomes-demographics-report-during-covid-19">2020 survey of bootcamp graduates</a>. Placement rates are the most visible estimate a student has for whether their career switch will be successful. Looking closely at the aforementioned schools you'll find graduates are routinely omitted from their tally for a number of reasons including being unresponsive to career services or failing to apply to enough jobs in a week. Some schools omitted as much as 40% of its graduates from its placement rates. A Lambda School instructor told Insider, the rate of non-responsiveness at bootcamps is alarming. "Maybe students aren't responding to you because they're angry with you. Maybe they're not responding because they're ashamed." Typically, these "non-job-seeking" students are designated as such after they've graduated from the program — which is a red flag, according to Sheree Speakman, a former CEO of the Council of Integrity in Results Reporting (CIRR), a nonprofit that tracks bootcamp performance. General Assembly spokesperson, Tom Ogletree, told Insider, omitted students chose to "go it on their own" and their 99% placement figure was one piece of data that prospective students seek before enrolling. Coding Dojo spokesperson, Luke Lappala, told Insider, that students who are unresponsive "are classified as opted out of Career Services due to nonresponsiveness" and this is "explicitly conveyed in our reporting." Flatiron School did not respond to a request for comment.Speakman says nearly all boot-camp students classify themselves as "job-seeking" when they start their programs, because these programs are designed for students looking for a career in tech. The Course Report's survey similarly showed that 91% of graduates attended a bootcamp primarily to get a programming job.For this reason, bootcamps that report to CIRR ask students whether they are job-seeking before they enter a program and are not allowed to remove those students from their placement rates once they've graduated. According to Speakman, prospective students should beware of any non-job-seeking rate above 10%, as this is a sign that the school is seeking to remove the students who did poorly. CIRR does not allow after-the-fact removal of students from their tally. In general, students should be suspicious of results that are only published directly by the school. Prospective students should check to see whether placement performance for a particular school is available via a <a href="https://www.bppe.ca.gov/webapps/summary_2018.php">state regulator</a> or on <a href="https://cirr.org/data">CIRR's website</a>. Reports made to regulators or independent bodies are much more standardized and leave less room for creative accounting.<h2>Income Share Agreements and tuition refund programs can be too good to be true</h2>Lambda School was also a pioneer in tuition deferral programs called "Income Share Agreements," where students pay a percentage of their salary only after receiving a job that pays $50,000 a year or more. Since then, similar programs have become widespread in the bootcamp industry. Some schools, like the e-learning platform Thinkful, even offer tuition refunds to graduates who are unable to find jobs. But for many, these financing options can be a little too good to be true. In the case of Lambda School, even if a student withdraws, <a href="https://lambdaschool.com/refund-policy">they can still be responsible for paying the school</a> if they get a tech job within five years.Recently,<a href="https://www.consumerfinance.gov/about-us/newsroom/cfpb-takes-action-against-student-lender-for-misleading-borrowers-about-income-share-agreements/"> Income Share Agreements have also come under regulatory scrutiny</a> for a variety of reasons. According to the Consumer Financial Protection Bureau, some schools misled students to believe ISAs were not actually loans and didn't comply with consumer finance law. Lambda School was also recently <a href="https://dfpi.ca.gov/2021/04/26/lambda-school-reaches-settlement-with-dfpi-agreeing-to-end-deceptive-educational-financing-practices/">censured by the California Department of Financial Protection</a> for claiming that its ISAs were nondischargeable in bankruptcy, when in fact they were. Even Thinkful's tuition refund promise requires strict compliance with certain conditions such as the inability to say no to any "qualifying position." This can place graduates in a very uncomfortable bind. If a graduate receives an offer paying as little as $40,000 they must either accept the job and pay Thinkful's tuition, or reject the job and pay the tuition anyway as they no longer qualify for a refund. In tech hub cities like San Francisco or New York, this is barely within the living wage for single-person households and far beneath the liveable wage for anybody with dependents, as many bootcamp students are.<h2>The best ways to choose a bootcamp</h2>Despite these controversies, bootcamps are serving an ever growing share of students looking to break into tech. And for some, it can be a good career move. Jesse Farmer, co-founder of Dev Bootcamp, one of the first coding bootcamps, sees a need for reform in the industry. Farmer, who now teaches programming at the bootcamp Adjacent, told Insider what prospective students should look for when selecting a school. "Students should be shopping for bootcamps like they shop for houses, but they shop for bootcamps like they're shopping for cereal," he said. Farmer emphasized it's important to take time and make sure a school is a good fit rather than signing up for something immediately.He recommended that prospective students ask schools: "What is the harshest thing ten random graduates from LinkedIn are going to say about your school?" A good school will be honest about the difficulties students in certain situations will face, and may also put prospective students in touch with graduates in similar situations to them. He recommends reaching out to former students independently as well, to be safe.Farmer also stressed the importance of regular code review from experienced programmers in a school's curriculum. "Code reviews are at the intersection of all the important parts of the learning experience. There's the work, the tools, the student, the staff, your peers, and they're all converging into this place called the code review." Farmer encourages students to ask how many code reviews they can expect in a week, and if the answer is less than one, to forgo attending the school. Lambda School offloaded code reviews from its professional instructors to teaching assistants. Eventually, a majority of them were done away with altogether. Farmer warned me that these cost cutting measures are a result of the pressures of trying to scale. "Once you try to scale past the limit of teacher to student, you become more and more just a video library and cool discord channel," he told me.Despite their problems, Speakman told me it is noble to post placement results in public when the norm in education is to sidestep the question of job placement altogether. However, for this transparency to have meaning these results need to be standardized and trustworthy, which isn't possible so long as every large school posts results that are inconsistent in slightly different ways. Unfortunately, large bootcamps are now stuck in a prisoner's dilemma — no school wants to be the first one to post "clean" stats while others continue to fudge their figures. As Speakman told me, "You better learn to self-regulate, because you're not going to like external regulation when it happens."

The biggest coding bootcamps may exaggerate their success rates — here's how to choose one that will actually get you a job

<ul class="summary-list"><li>Historic protests across the country are prompting many Americans to take a deeper look at policies and practices that contribute to systemic racism in the US.</li><li>Addressing police brutality is an immediate goal. But a host of other areas that lead to "inequality of opportunity" are ripe for discussion as well.</li><li>In a 2018 paper, authors Bradley Hardy, Trevon Logan, and John Parman explored the barriers to economic mobility among Black populations, with issues to address including education and criminal justice reform.</li><li>Other options are funds dedicated to supporting Black entrepreneurs and training programs to place lower-income workers into higher-paying jobs.</li></ul>Americans everywhere are confronting the harsh reality that <a href="https://www.businessinsider.com/silicon-valley-has-its-own-long-standing-systemic-racial-problem-2020-6">systemic racism is not only alive in the US</a>, but that it has been perpetuated for decades without more aggressive action.Now, <a href="https://www.businessinsider.com/why-are-the-george-floyd-protests-so-much-more-intense-2020-6">momentum is surging</a> in a <a href="https://www.businessinsider.com/george-floyd-protests-companies-responses-actions-apple-target-mcdonalds-nike-2020-6">historic way</a> to root out ingrained injustice against Black people.One way policymakers and advocates may choose to tackle that immense challenge is by seeking to address the drivers of economic disparity among Black populations throughout the country. White households <a href="https://www.citylab.com/equity/2019/03/racial-wealth-gap-income-inequality-black-white-households/585325/">on average earn 6.5 times</a> more than Black counterparts. But the story quickly becomes more than just the dollars and cents in a bank account.From government policies that predominantly negatively impact Black communities to segmentation in public school systems between wealthy and poorer families, the disparity underscores what <a href="https://www.clevelandfed.org/newsroom-and-events/publications/economic-commentary/2019-economic-commentaries/ec-201903-what-is-behind-the-persistence-of-the-racial-wealth-gap.aspx">senior economists at the Federal Reserve Bank of Cleveland</a> have labeled "inequality of opportunity."But there are several ways that lawmakers, business leaders, and others can begin to narrow that gap.<a href="http://www.hamiltonproject.org/assets/files/PBP_HardyLoganParman_1009.pdf">In a 2018 paper</a> for the Brookings Institution's Hamilton Project, American University's <a href="https://www.american.edu/spa/faculty/hardy.cfm">Bradley Hardy</a>, Ohio State University's <a href="https://economics.osu.edu/people/logan.155">Trevon Logan</a>, and the College of William &amp; Mary's <a href="https://www.wm.edu/as/economics/faculty-directory/parman_j.php">John Parman</a> explored the topic of economic mobility among Black citizens.Their research found that the "exclusion from full protection through the nation's social safety net, education, and criminal justice programs coincided with broad exclusion from neighborhoods and labor market opportunities."Business Insider talked to Hardy and Logan to learn what solutions could make the most immediate difference now in spurring more economic opportunities for Black Americans.<h2>Criminal justice reform</h2>The systemic racism within the US criminal justice system <a href="https://www.washingtonpost.com/news/opinions/wp/2018/09/18/theres-overwhelming-evidence-that-the-criminal-justice-system-is-racist-heres-the-proof/">has been well documented</a>.Nationwide, Black people are twice as likely to be pulled over by police officers and four times as likely to be searched.In New York City, police are <a href="https://www.businessinsider.com/nypd-disproportionately-arrests-people-of-color-for-marijuana-offenses-2016-6">much more likely to arrest Black residents</a> for marijuana possession than white citizens. And in Massachusetts, incarceration rates are <a href="https://www.mass.gov/files/documents/2016/09/tu/selected-race-statistics.pdf">nearly eight times higher</a> among Black people. Fixing the system has historically been a struggle on the federal level. A sweeping overhaul <a href="https://www.businessinsider.com/trump-republicans-first-step-act-sentencing-reform-criminal-justice-2018-11">years in the making</a> that President Donald Trump signed into law in 2018, however, led to the release of <a href="https://www.nbcnews.com/politics/politics-news/first-step-act-promised-widespread-reform-what-has-criminal-justice-n1079771">thousands of inmates</a>.Still, tackling the near-term problem of police brutality will be difficult. <a href="https://www.cnn.com/2020/06/03/politics/policing-reform-congress/index.html">Divisions are already beginning to emerge in Congress</a> and, simultaneous to those efforts, lawmakers are <a href="https://www.politico.com/newsletters/huddle/2020/06/03/why-congress-is-unlikely-to-deliver-on-police-reforms-489416">rushing to find policy solutions</a> to prop up a struggling economy. But the problem goes beyond just incarceration, according to Logan."A white man with a criminal history has a higher call-back rate for an interview. When we are thinking about just criminal justice reform we have to put that into perspective," he said.There has been some momentum within corporate America to address this, providing a framework with which to build upon. Last year, a host of companies — including IBM, Walmart, and the US Chamber of Commerce, which touts American Airlines, Ford Motor Co., and others as members — <a href="https://www.foxbusiness.com/politics/u-s-companies-pledge-to-consider-formerly-incarcerated-for-jobs">pledged to increase hiring of previously incarcerated individuals</a>.<h2>Education reform</h2>Another main driver of economic disparity highlighted by Hardy, Logan, and Parman is a bifurcated US education system. Research indicates that schools that invest more money into operations produce higher test scores among students — ultimately affecting the quality of the institution as well as earning ability later in life.But with the bulk of money for many schools coming from the states, there's a wide discrepancy in funding.While it varies, on average schools located in poorer areas that have a greater proportion of minority students, or non-Caucasian, "<a href="https://edtrust.org/resource/funding-gaps-2018/">receive roughly $1,000 less</a> per student than school districts with relatively low poverty," according to the 2018 paper.On top of funding, the authors also highlight the benefit in minority students having same-race teachers — an outcome Logan attributed to the cultural competency of those instructors versus one from another race."Exposure to same-race teachers is associated with reduced disciplinary sanctions, a lower likelihood of dropping out of high school, and a higher likelihood of matriculating to college," they wrote.Part of the challenge is widening the talent pool for educators to include more people of color. And that means a broader discussion around salary."It's more a call for thinking about how we compensate and recruit the teacher workforce," said Hardy. <h2>Removing barriers to political participation</h2>Advocates have long chastised practices like voter intimidation and ID requirements as disproportionately impacting Black individuals.A 2013 law in North Carolina, for example, <a href="https://www.theatlantic.com/politics/archive/2016/07/north-carolina-voting-rights-law/493649/">was struck down in 2016</a> after a court found it was discriminatory against Black residents.And in Georgia, former gubernatorial candidate and state Rep. Stacey Abrams <a href="https://www.washingtonpost.com/politics/2019/10/30/did-racially-motivated-voter-suppression-thwart-stacey-abrams/">publicly claimed that voter suppression</a> led to the victory of current Gov. Brian Kemp, who as secretary of state <a href="https://www.businessinsider.com/georgia-governor-brian-kemp-stacey-abrams-long-lines-malfunctioning-voter-machines-midterms-2018-11">oversaw the same election</a> in which he was a candidate. A <a href="https://oversight.house.gov/sites/democrats.oversight.house.gov/files/2020-02-25.Supplemental%20Memo%20for%202-26%20Voter%20Suppression%20Hearing.pdf">House Oversight report</a> published in February 2020 included evidence of Kemp laughing at reports of suppression at the time.Business Insider <a href="https://www.businessinsider.com/when-women-got-the-right-to-vote-american-voting-rights-timeline-2018-10">has previously reported</a> on how women, Black Americans, Native Americans, and Asian Americans were systematically denied the right to vote for centuries and on a <a href="https://www.businessinsider.com/leaked-audio-trump-adviser-republicans-rely-voter-suppression-justin-clark-2019-12">top Trump advisor's leaked remarks</a> that Republicans have "traditionally" relied on the <keyword id="6363690" type="UNKNOWN" weightage="100" keywordseo="Strategy">strategy</keyword>.But there's also a lack of Black representation at many levels of government. Only 10 Black lawmakers have been <a href="https://www.senate.gov/pagelayout/history/h_multi_sections_and_teasers/Photo_Exhibit_African_American_Senators.htm">elected to the US Senate</a>, for example, while <a href="https://www.everycrsreport.com/reports/RL30378.html">just 153 have served</a> in the US House of Representatives.Without those voices, policies can be passed that contribute — either knowingly or unwittingly — to systemic racism in the US, according to Logan. When Michigan was considering work requirements to enroll in the Medicaid program, lawmakers included a provision to exempt individuals from the <keyword id="28351" type="ORGANIZATION" weightage="60" keywordseo="policy">policy</keyword> if they lived in counties with unemployment rates topping 8.5%.The policy could have aided white Medicaid recipients while harming Black enrollees, according to Hardy, Logan, and Parman, because many poor Black Americans live in urban areas where unemployment rates tend to be lower."This incident reveals the complex interplay between policy, inequality across space, and inequality between races," they wrote. "Even if a policy like the unemployment rate exemption in the Michigan bill is crafted without discriminatory intent, it can nonetheless increase racial inequality."<h2>Investment funds for Black entrepreneurs</h2>Starting a company is a major risk.That becomes an even greater challenge for those that don't already have financial safety nets to fall back on.Systemic racism can't be overlooked when considering that the poverty rate among Black Americans is 27.4%, the highest among racial groups. For whites, the rate is 9.9%.Funds dedicated specifically to supporting Black entrepreneurs could help alleviate some of that burden and spur more small business ownership among that population, according to Logan."When you make a strategic decision to not invest adequately in all groups in your society, you are forgoing productivity and you are forgoing economic growth," he said.Some already exist. Backstage Capital, for example, <a href="https://backstagecapital.com/">focuses on providing funding</a> to people of color, women, and LGBTQ founders. To date, it's distributed $7 million. And others are quickly emerging. On Wednesday, beleaguered SoftBank <a href="https://techcrunch.com/2020/06/03/softbank-launches-100m-opportunity-growth-fund-to-invest-in-founders-of-color/">launched a $100 million fund</a> specifically targeted towards founders of color. <h2>New upskilling programs targeted at Black communities </h2>Corporations are <a href="https://www.businessinsider.com/how-openclassrooms-is-helping-corporations-like-amazon-retrain-workers-2019-11">funneling billions of dollars</a> into programs to upskill their workers — or potential workers — on the latest technology. Toyota, for example, <a href="https://www.businessinsider.com/toyota-apprenticeship-program-is-going-nationwide-2019-9">runs an apprenticeship program</a> where enrollees work three days a week alongside a two-year educational curriculum that covers tech-related topics like programmable logic-control systems, as well as lean manufacturing techniques and soft-skill development. Targeting those programs toward Black populations could begin to elevate those in lower-income areas to higher-paying jobs, according to Hardy. "Many low-wage workers have fewer formal credentials. They don't have the networks and connections ... and many of these workers probably faced some forms of discrimination when they go out and they try to apply for higher quality jobs," he told Business Insider. By getting employers and the local educational systems to partner, the "potential workers who enroll are then engaged in a process where you have employers committed to providing jobs at the end of this," Hardy added. Some of these initiatives will be more difficult than others to get across the finish line. And the suggestions don't encompass the litany of problems that contribute to systemic racism in the US. But as the discussion moves quickly from rhetoric to action, the list provides an initial jumping-off point for discussions among policymakers, regulators, advocates, and other stakeholders.

Prominent economists outline 5 ways to start rooting out systemic racism and make the American dream a reality for all

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These CEOs Make A 1000 Times More Than Their Average Employee

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